|
FINAL REPORT OF THE ENQUETE COMMISSION ON "SO-CALLED SECTS AND PSYCHOGROUPS" |
|
Minority opinion submitted by Dr Angelika Köster-Lössack, MP, and Professor Dr Hubert Seiwert, members of the working group of the parliamentary group of Bündnis 90/Die Grünen in the Enquete Commission on "So-called Sects and Psychogroups" with regard to the Commission's Final Report Table of Contents We disagree with the Final Report of the German Bundestag's Enquete Commission on "So-called Sects and Psychogroups" because the findings available to the Commission have led us to a different assessment of the subject under review than the majority of the Commission's members. For this reason, we would also like to submit different recommendations for action. We do, however, agree with the following chapters of the majority's report: 3.5. The Psychomarket, in as far as it describes the findings of the study; Chapter 5.2 Children and Adolescents in New Religious Movements and Psychogroups. We also agree with the description of the expert reports, prepared on behalf of the Commission on the subject of "Entry Pathways and Membership Histories in So-called Sects and Psychogroups". This part is attached to the majority's report in the Annex. We are unable to agree with the overall tenor of the majority's report. We consider it necessary to make a clear distinction in the analysis between new religious movements and religious minorities ("so-called sects") on the one hand, and "psychogroups" and the "psychomarket" on the other. Mixing these two areas is not conducive to the differentiation the subject requires. In our opinion, it is not part of the Commission's mandate to extend the scope of the subject under review to include certain forms of marketing ("pyramid selling systems", "multi-level marketing"). Under the German Bundestag's decision to establish the Commission, the latter had the mandate to deal with "the problems arising from more recently established religious and ideological movements, so-called sects and psychogroups". This means that the subject to be reviewed is definitely limited to the field of "new religious and ideological movements". 4 ) We do not agree with the report adopted by the majority of the Commission's members with regard to the assessment of the findings on new religious movements available to the Commission. This applies especially to the assessment of the results of the research projects carried out for the Commission and the expert reports prepared at its request, as well as the conclusions drawn. All of the results show that, as a rule, new religious and ideological movements are not a source of danger exceeding what is observed in other similar social contexts. In view of the public's fears, we feel that this is the most important result of the Commission's work. This overall result does not mean that social conflicts cannot and do not arise in this field. However, according to the present findings the majority of the conflicts are within the limits of social conflict usual in a pluralistic society. Where abuse and infringements of the law occur, the laws applied must be those that are valid for all. The large number of recommendations for action adopted by the majority of the Commission members tends to create the impression that there are considerable problems in the field of new religious and ideological movements that exceed what is observed in other areas of society. In our opinion, this is contrary to the Commission's actual findings. We do not see a need for the recommendations for legislative action submitted by the majority of the Commission's members such as the amendments to tax laws and legal provisions on associations, the tightening of the provisions on usury, funding of private counselling centres by government, and the Act on Life-counselling Services. For this reason, we voted against most of the recommendations aimed at introducing new laws or amending existing ones, or we abstained from voting. Social conflicts cannot be prevented or resolved by acts of parliament. This is especially true of conflicts in the field of religion and ideology, where the government is obliged to maintain strict neutrality. It is, however, the responsibility of government to ensure that conflicts are settled within the framework of the existing legal system. Moreover, government also has the right and obligation to inform the public correctly and objectively on problems arising in the context of new religious movements. The Commission's work has shown that a high degree of differentiation is necessary. This is one way of helping to minimise existing conflicts as well as prejudice. Our own recommendations for action are concerned with measures aimed at reducing conflicts, establishing a foundation, promoting research, organising counselling centres, as well as recommendations with regard to self-supervision of providers of life-counselling services, and the publication of the expert reports prepared on behalf of the Enquete Commission. The Commission intensively studied the Scientology Organisation. A large amount of information was submitted indicating that this organisation pursued objectives and applied practices that were unacceptable from a political and moral point of view. It is necessary to react to these findings appropriately with the methods open to a constitutional state. In order to do this, we have to clearly specify the problems that exist in connection with Scientology. This is the only way to avoid the misconception that they are the same problems that arise from new religious movements and so-called psychogroups in general. In our minority opinion, we therefore devote a separate chapter to Scientology. 1. Subject of the Commission's work The German Bundestag's decision to establish the Enquete Commission describes the subject to be studied as "new religious and ideological movements, so-called sects and psychogroups". 5 ) In the course of its work, the Commission dealt with a wide range of contemporary religious, ideological, therapeutic, economic and social phenomena. More specifically, the various areas covered can be defined as follows:
In accordance with the mandate defined by the German Bundestag in its decision to establish the Commission, the members devoted most attention to those aspects of the subject under review of which they assumed that they might be considered to be potentially dangerous to the individual, society or government, or that may give rise to conflicts. Relatively little attention was paid to the remaining aspects. In the course of the Commission's work, it became clear that the subject under review was so heterogeneous as to make generalisations impossible. However, the focus of the work was on new religious and ideological movements that are popularly termed "sects". In this context, the Commission devoted most of its attention to the Scientology Organisation, which is a particularly controversial issue in the public debate. However, the Commission did not classify the Scientology Organisation as a new religious movement. 6 ) The Commission's study of new religious movements has shown that there is no information on such movements which would justify referring to new religious movements in general as a social problem or -- worse -- a danger. On the other hand, it became clear that some new religious movements give rise to conflicts that are sometimes fierce. As with all conflicts, the information given by the parties involved varied considerably as far as the causes and the development of the conflicts were concerned. It is necessary therefore to investigate the facts very carefully in order not to side with one of the parties to the conflict. In investigating the facts, the Commission used information from a number of different sources. The most important of these were as follows:
In spite of the large number of information sources, it was difficult to identify reliable facts. Both the presentations made by the critics of the new religious movements and the descriptions which these movements gave of themselves have to be taken seriously, although they are of course subjective and highly influenced by vested interests. Nevertheless, numerous documents on the activities of the Scientology Organisation were submitted to the Commission. Official information and scientific studies play a particularly important role against this background. The expert reports and research projects carried out on behalf of the Commission give a more detailed and methodical picture of new religious movements than the other sources of information. 9 ) At the same time, however, they make it clear that there is still considerable need for scientific research to fill the remaining gaps in our knowledge. 1. Findings in the field of new religious movements The Commission's findings concerning new religious movements are especially important because it is these movements and communities that the public chiefly associates with the term "sects". The German Bundestag's decision to establish the Enquete Commission also equates "so-called sects" with "new religious movements". 10 ) The new religious movements that are most significant in Germany in terms of size and are best known to the public are listed in the following section. When estimating the quantitative dimension of so-called sects and psychogroups it is important to distinguish between the different fields described above. The results of a representative survey carried out on behalf of the Enquete Commission contributed little information on this point. 0.5 percent of the respondents said they were members of a new religious or ideological movement; 0.7 percent described themselves as sympathising with such a movement. Projected onto the total population this corresponds to 340,000 and 497,000 persons respectively. 11 ) However, it is not clear what the respondents took "new religious and ideological movements" to mean. The few responses that specify the movement concerned name such various communities as the Anthroposophical Society, Baptists, Buddhist communities, Scientology and Jehovah's Witnesses. Since the questionnaire used explained "new religious and ideological communities" with attributes such as "meditation, spiritual training, energy work, life-counselling courses etc." and asked about participation in events and courses, 12 ) it also included the area described above as the "psychomarket". 13 ) This means that the resulting figures are of no use in determining the quantitative dimension of membership in new religious and ideological movements. Information given by the new religious movements themselves gives an approximate picture of their number of members. 14 ) According to this information, two older communities have over 100,000 members (New Apostolic Church: 400,000; Jehovah's Witnesses: 166,000). Two communities have more than 10,000 members (Mormons: 36,000; Christian Community approx. 10,000). 15 ) All the other communities have less than 10,000 members. Figures exist for the following communities that have appeared in Germany in recent decades: ISKCON: 5,000, 500 of these "initiated"; Unification Church: 850; Fiat Lux: 700. In the case of Universal Life and the Osho Movement the number of members or friends is estimated at about 6,000 each. Estimates for groups such as Ananda Marga, Sahaja Yoga, Brahma Kumaris and Holosophische Gesellschaft (Holosophic Society) lie between 200 and 500 members. 16 ) b) Individual aspects: conversion, membership and "exit" The international scientific literature contains a number of research findings that provide information on the conditions and consequences of membership in new religious movements. To obtain an overview of the status of research the Commission requested experts to prepare a report on "Social and psychological effects of membership in new religious movements, with special reference to social integration and mental health". 17 ) The study devotes most of its attention to quantitative empirical surveys that make it possible to draw general conclusions from a large number of individuals. In contrast to this, another empirical research project also requested by the Commission -- "Drop-outs, converts and believers" 18 ) -- uses a qualitative approach that takes the respondents' subjective experience and their biographical backgrounds as the starting point of its analysis. A further report on "The need for counselling, and conflicts generating such needs, in the cases handled by a so-called sects counselling centre; information based on case categories and histories" 19 ) provides empirical information on cases in which membership in a new religious movement resulted in conflicts that led those concerned to consult a Church advisory office for help in resolving them. In its Final Report, in contrast to the Interim Report, 20 ) the Commission was therefore able to fall back on empirical information that permits a sound and differentiated view of membership in new religious movements. It has to be admitted that even these research findings by no means compensate for the overall lack of empirical research in the German-speaking countries; but they do provide a basis that may be regarded as substantiated scientifically as far as its main elements are concerned. Although the studies follow different methodological approaches and have different frames of reference, their findings coincide to a considerable degree. The following sections summarise the results topic by topic. Wide use is made of quotations from the reports in order to convey an authentic impression of the research findings. This would seem all the more important as we do not yet know whether and in what form these findings are to be published.
The "manipulation theory" was not confirmed by the authors' investigations either. "In no case did we find attempts to acquire new members by force. Manipulative attempts to draw new members in did not exceed the extent usual in similar conflict situations in everyday life in our society." 23 ) There is not a single piece of empirical evidence to suggest that a person was "manipulated into" a new religious movement against his or her will. [*] All the investigations conclude that the act of turning to a new religious movement must be interpreted as a process in which the potential convert is actively involved and which he does not suffer passively in the role of a "victim". Whether or not conversion takes place as a result of the initial contact depends to a very great extent on how far the needs of the potential convert correlate with the specific features of the religious community concerned:
Scientists often describe the necessary correlation between individual needs and the features offered as "fit":
Since a fit between the needs of the individual and the specific features offered by the community concerned is very much a matter of chance, it is not surprising that "of those persons who hear of an NRM [new religious movement], come into contact with it or even take advantage of an initial offer from the group, only a very few actually become a member." 27 ) This makes it plain that recruitment to a new religious movement is not a passive occurrence beyond the individual's control. On the contrary: the recruit takes an active part in the process by either continuing the contact or breaking it off.
None of the studies carried out at the Commission's request confirmed the suspicion that joining a new religious movement is induced by applying "psychotechniques" that eliminate or reduce the converts' ability to decide or impair their soundness of mind. There is agreement between the studies that deliberate canvassing of members by new religious movements is of secondary significance to the act of joining as far as numbers are concerned:
2) Membership patterns in new religious movements All the studies arrive at the same conclusion, i.e. that as in the case of conversion membership patterns in new religious movements are greatly influenced by the "fit" between the needs of the individual and the features offered by the group. However, it must be taken into account that this relationship can change during membership. The needs of the individual member may change as a result of development processes, but so may the structure of the group and the features it offers. In this way, an initially close fit may be loosened or vanish altogether. Membership that was originally experienced as beneficial and conducive to one's personal development then becomes restricting and an obstacle to development. This means that it is impossible to generalise about the consequences of membership for the individual; instead, we have to differentiate between various possible combinations of circumstances. The starting point and requirement for conversion is initially a minimum of correlation between the specific problems and needs of the individual and the perceived features of the religious community:
On the other hand it is by no means certain that the needs and expectations the convert associates with membership will in fact be fulfilled.
This means that the effect of membership in a new religious movement depends to a great extent on the individual case. It must be remembered that each person brings his own life history with him, and that membership in a new religious movement does not constitute a break with one's life history; it is merely a continuation:
In other words: membership in a new religious movement takes different courses according to the personality structure of the individual member. What may appear to the outsider to be a homogeneous milieu made up of like-minded and conforming "sect members" proves to be differentiated and individual when the members are viewed singly:
The differences between individuals make it understandable that membership patterns vary too. Whether and how long a person remains a member of a new religious movement depends largely on the individual himself and not so much on the structure of the group:
"Drop-outs" have either been unable to solve their particular problem and have therefore switched groups. [...] Or the group was used by "drop-outs" as a moratorium to enable the life theme to be dealt with at all. After finding a solution which is satisfactory to them, they left the group and returned to the world of everyday things." 36 ) 3) Withdrawal from new religious movements ("exit") The findings presented to date have shown that it is by no means unusual to leave a new religious movement; the "exit" is one of the options that shape the course of membership. The widespread opinion that it is practically impossible to leave a new religious movement by one's own efforts is not confirmed by empirical findings.
It is, however, true that withdrawal from a new religious movement "often takes the form of a severe crisis accompanied by extensive instability, since one's own identity may be called into question and thoughts, feelings and relationships have to be re-oriented." 38 ) It must be remembered that in cases of long membership in a new religious movement, especially, social contacts are often centred around members of the particular group and in extreme cases may even be restricted to these. In such cases leaving the group does not only involve dissociating oneself from its religious and ideological beliefs; above all it means giving up one's present system of social relationships. In other words, it is a major biographical turning-point that may be accompanied by both inward and outward insecurity.
If a member of a religious community decides to leave, it is because he feels that to remain in the group would be a burden or disadvantage to him. The expectations or hopes connected with membership have not been fulfilled or have been eclipsed by other aspects. Under these circumstances the "exit" may put an end to the negative experiences involved in membership; but it is also possible that those sets of problems the individual hoped (in vain) to solve through membership will become virulent again:
The present findings of the inquiry lead us to assume that the psychological burdens and crises involved in leaving a new religious movement are sometimes considerable. They include various factors whose significance can only be determined in individual cases. However, here, as in other contexts, it is impossible to generalise. We find withdrawal processes fraught with conflict on the one hand and instances of leaving without any problems on the other. The study on religious fringe groups gives the following summary:
This observation is also confirmed by other investigations. Several processes of joining and leaving different religious or "spiritual" groups are by no means unusual. One author describes religious biographies of this kind as the "accumulative heretic" type:
Also against the background of the relatively high fluctuation rate that involves a stay of less than two years for the majority of individuals who join a new religious movement, 43 ) the "exit" may be regarded as a process that is relatively normal in the overall context although it may put a great strain on the individual. The Commission had no information indicating that persons who wished to leave a new religious movement were prevented from doing so by force or other illegal methods. 44 ) Nor was there any proof that individual new religious movements tried to make it impossible for members and followers to leave. (1) "Psychotechniques", manipulation and dependency, mental health According to the findings from the investigations carried out on behalf of the Commission there is no reason to assume that individuals are made to join small religious communities by the manipulative use of social control and mental destabilisation techniques. Although these results do not permit generalisations about all religious fringe groups, they do show that it would be incorrect to regard the use of manipulative "psychotechniques" as a significant factor in acculturation and continued membership in religious fringe communities. This means that there is no confirmation of widespread fears among the public that the new religious movements known as "sects" bring people into a relationship of dependency against their will and keep them in such a relationship. This takes some of the drama out of the "psychotechniques" and "mental destabilisation" complex. 44 ) However, having said this, we also have to admit that membership in strict religious communities that make great demands on the individual's life-style creates ties for the persons concerned that may be interpreted as dependency from certain perspectives. The greater the sense of unity within the group and the more it shuts itself off from the outside world, the stronger the bond with the community concerned. This does not only apply to religious communities and groups. Membership means acknowledging the group's internal rules, and observance of these is facilitated by social control within the group. Viewed from outside, adjustment to the group's internal hierarchies and adherence to specific rules for living may be interpreted as dependency, especially if the values specific to the group differ considerably from those of the observer and are rejected by him. However, those involved do not usually regard such ties as an undesirable restriction of their personal freedom. In other words: the extent to which social ties are interpreted as dependency is not least a function of our assessment of the social group with which such ties exist. Similarly, the processes of personality change that may result from joining a new religious community are also interpreted in very different ways. What may be seen from outside as abandonment of independency or loss of adequate contact with reality may be seen from inside as spiritual self- iscovery and the acquisition of deeper knowledge. Finally, certain strict life-styles that are followed in some religious communities (e.g. extensive meditation, prayer, Church services, fasting, instruction, a strictly regulated daily routine) may be interpreted either as means of promoting religious and spiritual development or as mental destabilisation techniques, depending on one's standpoint. Viewed in isolation, neither the powerful ties with a religious community nor the processes of personality-shaping and compliance with group-specific ways of life that are associated with them constitute a social problem as long as these ties are accepted voluntarily and can be broken again. The present findings show that this is usually the case. 45 ) On the other hand it must not be overlooked that the possibilities of social control and influence bound up with close association with a group can, in principle, be abused:
In the case of religious communities, we must remember that the acknowledgement of religious authority may involve willingness to obey and subordination. In new and small religious groups with largely informal structures that lack institutionalised monitoring by a religious authority, the risk of abuse of power is much greater than in organisations that are part of governmental or major Church structures. This is especially true when the groups concerned are shut off from the outside world and thus inaccessible to external social control. It is not possible to tell how widespread abuse actually is. There is no evidence that abuse is more common in new religious movements than in similar social structures. "On the basis of the findings from biographical interviews it is not plausible to speak of `sects'. Nor can the groups be generally described as `radical' or `dangerous'." 47 ) The mechanisms and processes of social and emotional influence, control and ties are within the limits of what can be observed in other close group relationships. As a rule, the persons concerned do not interpret these processes as manipulation or dependency at all, or at least not until they have dissociated themselves from the group. However, at the same time it has to be admitted that the risk of abusing the possibility of influencing people is much greater in groups closed off against the outside world than in groups that have a high level of transparency and are therefore subject to external social controls. The Commission had no empirical findings to justify the assumption that there is a special form of "psychological dependency" in new religious movements. There is no evidence that "religious dependency" exists. In particular there is no empirical proof that would justify identifying symptoms such as "lack of will", "loss of contact with reality" or "abandonment of the moral principles that are binding for all". 48 ) The study on the need for counselling, and conflicts generating such needs, in the cases handled by an `advisory office on sects' comes to the conclusion that the psychological conflicts of the members of new religious movements who seek advice are on other levels:
There is no evidence that the psychological problems found with some of the members of new religious movements were caused by membership, although the possibility cannot be excluded in individual cases. However, there does seem to be a greater number of cases in which membership acts as a catalyst or focus for problems that exist independently of membership:
It must be remembered that the empirical basis of the study quoted here is not broad enough to permit a generalised interpretation of the findings. It is true that quantitative studies also conclude that "it is not possible to prove that membership in an NRM (new religious movement) has a damaging effect". 51 ) However, it is pointed out that there are no longitudinal scientific studies showing whether certain unusual personality traits precede membership in new religious movements, or even predispose individuals for such membership, or whether they must be regarded as a consequence of membership. 52 )
It should be noted in this connection that it is not possible to generalise on the psychological effects of membership in a new religious movement. On the one hand, we cannot exclude the possibility of negative effects such as aggravation of existing psychological problems; on the other hand, there is evidence of positive effects, too. 54 ) Nearly all the psychometric studies carried out on a fairly large random sample of active members of a new religious movement and evaluated by Murken confirm the hypothesis that membership may contribute to an improvement of the psychosocial well-being. The following examples of positive effects were cited in various studies: cessation of drug abuse; reduction of anxiety and depression; stabilisation of the individual's perception of the meaning of life. Although it is not possible to derive forecasts for individual members from these quantitative studies, they do "permit the assumption that the clear and often rigid structure of NRMs [new religious movements] may make an important contribution to overcoming difficulties in times of crisis, lack of ego identity and social isolation. However, possibly the features of the NRM become increasingly restrictive and a nuisance as one's ego identity, sense of social security and wish for individualisation. What was initially helpful and structuring is then experienced as restricting and an obstacle to development. 55 ) The research findings therefore show that a highly differentiated approach is necessary in order to determine the psychological and personality-shaping influences of new religious movements. Attributes of "psychological dependency" such as "strong influencing of one's everyday life by others". "stereotyped reactions in communication with outsiders concerning the community to which one belongs" or "an unusual degree of conformity" prove to be one-sided and misleading characterisations:
(2) Children in new religious movements The persons who devote themselves to a new religious movement are usually adults, although the age structure seems to vary from one group to another. The term "youth religions". often used in the past, is therefore misleading. Nevertheless, in many communities there seems to be a disproportionate number of members who were between eighteen and thirty-five years of age when they joined. When assessing the effects of membership, we therefore have to distinguish between children who were socialised in a new religious movement by their parents and those who decided for themselves to become members.
The Commission dealt with the topic of "children in new religious movements and psychogroups" in detail and presented its findings in Chapter 5.2 of the Report adopted by the majority of the Commission's members. We support this part of the Report. (3) Conflicts in and with new religious movements The empirical data available show that generalisations about new religious movements are only possible to a very limited extent. In many respects the studies carried out at the Commission's request contradict the public's usual conception of new religious movements. In particular they do not confirm fears that membership in a new religious movement is usually brought about by the use of "psychotechniques" against opposition from the persons concerned and has a negative effect on the mental health of the members. It became evident that membership in a new religious movement must be viewed as part of an individual's biography and that the interaction between the individual and the group may have different consequences -- both positive and negative -- depending on the particular set of circumstances.
Conflicts in connection with new religious movements were one of the central themes of the Commission's work. Different degrees of significance were attached to interactive processes on the one hand and characteristics specific to the group on the other. It is clear that conflicts and potential for conflict can only be analysed properly if all the persons involved and their relationships with each other are considered. Only against this background can the relative significance of individual factors be evaluated. We feel it is questionable from the point of view of methodology to try to interpret the situation by seeing the potential for conflict in certain attributes of new religious movements only. 59 ) a) Conflicts between members and the group As far as findings on this point exist, they confirm the importance of interactive relationships for analysing conflicts:
In the summary, the same study suggests that conflicts arising in religious communities should be viewed in a wider social context:
Here, too, there is a need for caution when drawing general conclusions from the findings. However, in view of the fact that the Commission had no research results that went beyond these findings or contradicted them, they should not be overlooked. Other sources of information have to be taken into account in addition to the research results. These include reports by former members of new religious movements, some of which have been published in books and the media. The Commission also interviewed some former group members. Naturally, these reports reflect the subjective perception and interpretation of the conflicts by the individuals concerned and therefore permit even less generalisation than the scientific investigations using controlled methods. One of the research reports draws attention to this problem:
There is no doubt that such reports are an important source of information on the structures of the conflicts and the course they take. On the other hand they need to be compared with the perceptions and interpretations of the other parties, i.e. the religious communities and groups concerned. The Commission was not able to undertake this difficult task. This means that there is still a considerable need for further information on this point. b) Conflicts with family members It is not unusual for the public to accuse membership in a new religious movement of destroying families, in particular of alienating children from their parents. The Commission was not able to deal with this question in detail. It did, however, interview one mother who told of her experiences. There is no doubt that it is distressing for many parents when their grown children give their allegiance to a new religious movement with which they themselves have little sympathy and that may be described by the public as a "sect". Such distress is aggravated when a conflict arises between parents and their children that makes the relationship less close or even brings it to an end. As with all family conflicts involving a dynamism that has often developed over the course of decades, it is difficult to identify the fundamental causes and structures. Mutual accusations are usual. At best it is possible to investigate the course taken by a conflict in a concrete case; generalisations are out of the question. 63 ) Against the background of the information available on the life histories of members of new religious movements we have to take account of the fact that in many cases tensions and psychological strains existed within the family before conversion and can often be traced back to the subjects' childhood. Disturbed relationships are distressing both for the parents and for the children. However, as far as we can tell from the information available, the causes are more often to be found in the particular family situation than in specific structures of new religious movements. In connection with new religious movements of the eastern type, one report includes the following comments:
It should also be remembered that disturbed relationships between members of a family that express themselves in the context of membership in a new religious movement are disturbed relationships for which it is rarely possible to blame one of the parties only. Wrong as it would be to seek the causes solely in membership, it would also be misleading to attribute the problem that led to membership to the parents' behaviour alone. In the 1970s and 1980s, especially, public opinion of new religious movements was very considerably influenced by experts on sects appointed by the Churches. Even now, the Churches' experts are still important protagonists in public discussion. In some cases the attitude of the Churches to new religious movements, which is often -- but by no means always -- very critical, has given rise to severe conflicts. Some attempts to settle these conflicts have even involved recourse to the law. Here, too, we must take into account that conflicts have to be interpreted as interaction between the parties involved. One-sided interpretations according to which the critical attitude of the Churches is purely the expression of religious and ideological competition are unlikely to constitute a true assessment of the situation. On the other hand, there is a total lack of substantiated and usable information on the structures of such conflicts and their patterns. Nor did the Commission go into them. The Commission had no evidence to indicate that infringements of the law by new religious movements or their members are more frequent than in other social contexts. In the case of some new religious movements that engage in economic activity, reference was made to infringements of labour and social security laws; however, this was not documented. 65 ) They seem to be within the limits of what is also found in other areas of the economy. 66 ) No further information was available. Only one case of conflict with criminal law became known. It was a case of child abuse by a father who forced a young child to meditate for hours on end. The Commission had no evidence of suspected "crime-generating conduct" on the part of individual new religious movements in the Federal Republic of Germany. No precise information is available on the economic activities of new religious movements or their members. Most of the members of new religious movements are presumably wage- or salary earners, trainees, housewives, self-employed persons or members of the professions. Some are doubtless unemployed. A few new religious movements run small or medium-sized businesses in which they probably employ mainly their own members. In general the number of persons who work for the new religious movements full-time, as their main occupation, seems to be small, although there are considerable differences from one community to another. However, there is no exact information on this point either. The economic activities of new religious communities in Germany seem to be a peripheral phenomenon that cannot be classified according to economic categories. 67 ) The surveys carried out by the Enquete Commission brought no empirical confirmation of the theory that German industry is being "undermined" by religious minorities ("sects"). Concrete accusations to this effect expressed in public seem to relate exclusively to the Scientology Organisation, which was not classified by the Commission as a new religious movement. It will be discussed in detail later. The Enquete Commission asked several trade organisations about the economic activities of religious minorities. The associations approached were not in a position to give concrete information on the economic significance of religious minorities in their particular fields. All in all, the answers were very vague. No facts concerning the influence of religious minorities on industry that could be checked empirically were given. However, there does seem to be some sensitivity to this topic as a result of reports in the mass media.
The indications and estimates of market shares, turnover and employment
figures or concentration within industries given in publications by
"sect critics" suggest that enterprises connected with new religious
movements are a marginal phenomenon. By normal industrial standards,
what is described as a "business empire" is in fact a medium-sized
company. The economic activities
of religious minorities also have to be regarded as insignificant in
comparison with those of the major Churches. 68 ) In the Commission, attention was drawn to the fact that payment of members who work for new religious movements is often below the standard rates negotiated under collective agreements. However, it must be remembered that in religious communities, including the major Churches, it is not unusual to devote time and effort to the community without receiving financial remuneration that would be considered appropriate by the standards of ordinary employment. Voluntary work is also a common feature of religious communities. Nevertheless, personal and social problems may arise if a member wishes to leave a religious community that paid inadequate social security contributions -- or none at all -- for him while he was employed there. The Commission has no information with regard to the scope of this problem. According to the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, retrospective contributions must be paid into the statutory pensions insurance scheme for the period of insurance-exempt employment of former members of religious cooperatives and similar communities. There is no system for paying retrospective unemployment insurance contributions for these former members. The Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs is not aware of any comparative studies with regard to labour and social security legislation for individuals employed by the established Churches and by religious minorities. The German Bundestag requested the Commission to give its opinions on a number of questions, based on the findings it would obtain. These questions are dealt with below as far as they affect "new religious movements". which are equated with "so-called sects" in the German Bundestag's decision to establish the Commission. "Psychogroups". which are described as "new ideological movements" in the Bundestag's decision, are dealt with elsewhere in our report. (1) Analysis of objectives, activities and practices of the new religious movements operating in the Federal Republic of Germany. 69 ) Although the Commission did not deal with the matter explicitly, it can and must be pointed out to start with that the primary objectives, activities and practices of new religious movements in Germany are of a religious nature. There are, however, considerable differences with regard to specific features because the various new religious communities are guided by different traditions. The majority of the estimated 600 or more groups probably fall into the category of groups belonging to the Christian faith, but there are also communities which are guided by Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Eastern Asian or ancient traditions and natural religions, as well as others which newly developed syncretising movements. As in all religious communities, the activities and practices of new religious communities usually include joint cult events -- i.e. religious activities in the narrower sense of the term -- and a number of other activities directed towards fostering community life, establishing and maintaining organisational structures or securing financial resources. As a rule, their community life is more intensive than that of the major Churches; personal contacts between members are more frequent and there is greater willingness for commitment and personal effort. Also in contrast to the major Churches there is a great willingness among members of many new religious communities to declare their faith publicly and follow religious principles in daily life. In connection with this, some communities engage in missionary work to a greater or lesser extent with the aim of convincing others of the value or truth of their own religion. The various sub-points of the Commission's mandate: (a) "To identify dangers emanating from these organisations for the individual, the State and society" According to the information accessible to the Commission, the organisations of the new religious movements in Germany do not constitute a risk to individuals, government or society. However, as the above findings show, membership in a new religious movement may trigger psychological crises in some individuals. Membership may also result in conflicts within the family. These risks are clearly expressed in one of the expert reports:
There is agreement between the experts that the risks are within the limits of what can be observed in other social contexts, too. This does not mean that the problems that may result for the individual are negligible. As in other social fields in which personal problems may arise (e.g. in partnerships or the family) society has an obligation to provide suitable forms of counselling and assistance to help individuals cope with serious personal problems. 70 ) However, it must also be emphasised that in principle there is always a possibility that new religious communities -- especially small groups that lack the features of an established institution -- may develop along undesirable lines that lead to acute risks for their members. Examples are the killings and suicides by the Solar Temple group in Switzerland and Canada and the suicides of members of the Heaven's Gate group in the United States. The conditions here are similar to those in other close emotional relationships, such as within families, where acute risks may also arise in certain combinations of circumstances. So far, cases of this kind have not occurred in Germany. Nor is it possible to predict them. (b) "To appraise open and concealed societal objectives pursued by these organisations" It is not possible to identify any "open societal objectives" beyond the religious objectives described above, at least not on the basis of the information available. However, it must be taken into account that religious objectives may have definite societal implications. This is because religions usually define certain values and ethical standards. Above all, many communities with a Christian orientation -- but not only these -- attach great importance to values such as the family and marriage and have fairly strict views on sexual morals. A certain tension arises between these standards and practices and those of the societal environment. Hence, efforts made by some groups to propagate their own values and moral standards in society may be referred to as a societal objective. Some communities try to implement certain life-styles and also a certain economic system within their own group. If such economic systems have a different internal organisational structure than the capitalist market economy, it is possible to speak of a societal objective here as well. In principle, however, it is also possible to interpret any missionary activity as the expression of a societal objective, for the aim of mission is to disseminate one's own religious and thus moral views. Tension may well arise between religious standards and the legal standards of society. This is the case, for example, when groups disapprove of abortion on religious grounds and when they (overtly or covertly) pursue the societal objective of preventing the legalisation of abortion. The Commission was not able to study these moral -- and thus implicitly political -- views, since to do so would require extensive research.
(c) "To identify national and international interconnections of these
organisations" This situation is largely what is to be expected at a time of increasing globalisation. However, the fact that religious communities have their headquarters abroad is by no means solely a present-day phenomenon. Nor is it unusual for religious communities to transfer money abroad. The Commission had no information which would suggest that the international networks of new religious movements have to be viewed differently from those of the major Churches. There was a broadly-based consensus in the Commission that the religious freedom guaranteed by the German Constitution is only limited by barriers inherent to the Constitution. This means that other, equally important constitutional interests cannot be violated by invoking freedom of religion. (2) Reasons for joining new religious movements and the growth of such organisations The studies carried out at the Commission's request provide relatively good and detailed information on the reasons for joining new religious movements. They have been summarised in the section "Individual aspects: conversion, membership and `exit'". It is scarcely possible to condense these findings any further without losing the necessary degree of differentiation. With this reservation we may say, in very general terms, that people become members of a new religious movement because the features offered by the community concerned seem attractive to them. They remain members if and as long as the expectations they associate with these features are fulfilled. If this is not, or is no longer, the case they usually dissociate themselves from the community, often after a relatively short time. With regard to the reasons for the growth of new religious movements we first have to establish that no substantiated information is available on whether and in what respect new religious movements are growing in Germany. As far as the better-known communities are concerned that have been familiar to the public for many years (e.g. Unification Church, ISKCON, Family), membership seems to be on a constant level or even noticeably on the decline. Nor is it possible to speak of a further growth of the more recent religions that have existed in Germany for decades. On the other hand there are indications that the number of religious communities is increasing. However, the Commission has no reliable information on these quantitative aspects as a whole. Until it is known whether and in what respect new religious movements are growing it is impossible to give reasons for such a growth. This situation reveals a considerable lack of research into the sociological aspects of religion in Germany. The various sub-points involved are: The findings on the subjects of "entry pathways" into, and "membership" in, new religious movements have been described above. The most important findings are:
We have already pointed out that there is no definite information on whether an increased readiness to join new religious movements currently exists and what form it may take. The occurrence of new religious movements has been a normal phenomenon throughout history. In the Middle Ages and the Modern Age, deviating forms of religiousness were termed "heresy"; in later times they increasingly became known as "sects". A brief outline of the development of sects since the Reformation is provided by Helmut Obst:
The communities on the left fringe of the Reformation -- the Anabaptists, followers of Schwenckfeld and the Antitrinitarians -- were not granted legal recognition. They were persecuted by all the major religious parties, were regarded as heretics by all. With a few local and temporary exceptions there was no religious tolerance. Nevertheless, the formation of religious groups increased after the Reformation -- covertly and overtly, inside and outside the major denominations. A fertile breeding ground was mystic spiritualism. In the Protestant faith a separatist variety of pietism, which was a comprehensive revival movement, became the starting point for free communities and Free Churches. With the exception of the Netherlands, Europe officially had no room for religious outsiders. They found a refuge in North America. There they were able to develop, and it was there that the religious pluralism characteristic of modern times began at a very early date. In the Holy Roman Empire, only Catholics, Lutherans and members of the Reformed Church were protected by the imperial laws under the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. All the other religious denominations were denied sufferance. Their story is one of bloody persecution and suppression, as the history of the Anabaptists shows." 74 ) Against the background of repression and persecution it is understandable that in the early Modern Age the willingness to join a new religious community -- a "sect" -- was restricted by the personal disadvantages it involved. In Germany, tolerance was not achieved in effect until the 19th century, and it was the Constitution of the Weimar Republic of 1919 that introduced equal legal rights for religious minorities. When suppression by government ceased in the 19th century, new religious communities began to spread more widely. At the same time new religious communities were imported to Germany, especially from the Anglo-Saxon countries. The range of these new religious movements, most of them Christian, that have appeared and spread in Germany since the 19th century is extraordinarily wide. 75 ) Since the German Constitution of 1949 also guarantees religious freedom, religious minorities can develop unimpeded in the Federal Republic of Germany. Since the 1960s, especially, new religious movements based on non-Christian traditions have reached Germany in addition to those that originated in or were brought to Germany in the 19th and early 20th centuries. In part, interest in eastern religions and wisdom coincides with a general criticism of certain forms of modern civilisation; this has found its expression in the New Age movement, for example. At the same time the major Churches have lost both members and intellectual influence on society as a whole. 75 ) To summarise we may say that the most important social and political precondition for the willingness to join new religious movements -- a willingness that has increased since the 19th century -- is probably the religious freedom guaranteed by the Constitution. Further factors may be the waning influence of the major Churches and with it the pluralisation of life-styles and interpretations of the meaning of life that is to be found in modern societies in general. As far as the general, overall conditions for the emergence and development of new religious movements in Germany is concerned we refer to Chapter 3.1 of the Report adopted by the majority of the Commission's members, which we support. c) "To identify enlistment and recruitment strategies pursued by these organisations" No information permitting general conclusions is available on the question of contact and recruitment methods. The new religious movements differ greatly with regard to the significance they attach to missionary activity and also with regard to the methods employed. Plainly, they also differ greatly with regard to the success of their missionary activities. In general, however, it is possible to make the following comment:
There is no empirical research into the conditions and success of the missionary activities of new religious movements in Germany. In the Anglo-Saxon countries, however, numerous scientific studies exist; they show that in most cases the recruitment of new members takes place through existing personal contacts and networks, through friends and acquaintances. 77 ) These findings were also confirmed by the studies carried out on behalf of the Commission, as stated above. It may also be considered empirically substantiated that the actual religious features of new religious communities (e.g. religious cult and instruction) are not the factors most important for the attractiveness of a group. The relations and personal contacts between the members are more important. Only if a new member establishes satisfactory relationships with other members will he remain in the group. The course taken by integration of new members is basically no different from that in other groups. The Commission had no information which would suggest that citizens, as well as companies, associations, pressure groups or other institutions were inadvertently being drawn into new religious movements or abused by them. It is conceivable that, in isolated instances, individuals may not have been adequately informed about the community concerned during their initial contact with a new religious movement. However, there is no information -- and it is in fact unlikely -- that persons have become members without realising it. Attention must again be drawn to the findings available to the Commission, according to which the approach to a new religious movement is an interactive process in which the new member is actively involved. Attention has already been drawn to the possibilities of conflict and abuse that exist in principle in all social structures of a similar kind. The possibilities of general prevention would seem slight. The problems here are similar to those involved in conflicts and dysfunctional developments in families. However, it is possible and necessary to offer help to those affected by providing suitable counselling services. Where cases of abuse take the form of criminal acts the public prosecutors' offices are the competent authorities. 2. Findings in the fields of the "psychomarket" and "psychogroups" Aside from new religious movements, the "psychomarket" and "psychogroups" were key topics of the Commission's work. This field goes well beyond the "more recently established ideological movements" mentioned in the German Bundestag's decision to establish the Commission and only overlaps in peripheral areas, if at all. Moreover, it only coincides with the field of "new religious movements" to a small extent. a) Differentiation and quantitative aspects The analysis entitled "Providers and Consumers in the Psychomarket" which was carried out on behalf of the Enquete Commission takes the term to mean "unconventional healing and life-counselling methods" such as massage and relaxation techniques, naturopathy, phytotherapy, homoeopathy and acupuncture, and also meditation techniques and esoteric procedures such as astrology. 78 ) "Psychomarket" in the narrower sense of the term is no doubt primarily taken to mean alternative methods of therapy from the "New Age" and "Esoterics" sectors, but no precise distinction is made. The psychomarket also includes the many book publications in this field; these are said to account for 7-10 percent of all new publications in the book market. 79 ) No information is available on the number of providers of therapy and courses in the psychomarket. It is estimated that 46 percent of the population in Germany uses alternative methods (as of 1992); internationally, this figure ranges between 20 and 50 percent. 80 ) The clients of the "psychomarket" are not usually organised in groups. However, where providers are organised or where certain forms of therapy or personality development courses are not applied individually but in group sessions, it is possible to speak of "psychogroups". The Commission did not make a precise distinction. Nor did the Commission have any information on the number of psychogroups or the size of their membership. As a rule, however, the Scientology Organisation is classified as a psychogroup. The current membership of the Scientology Organisation is estimated at between 6,000 81 ) and 10,000 82 ). b) Results of the investigation into the "psychomarket" The findings obtained from the investigation into "Providers and Consumers in the Psychomarket". which was carried out on behalf of the Commission, are described in Chapters 3.5.1 and 3.5.2 of the Report adopted by the majority of the Commission's members. We agree with this part of the Report. The "Problems, Risks, and Negative Experience" as well as the "Conclusions" (described in Chapters 3.5.3 and 3.5.4) are not based on findings from the above investigation. However, we share the opinion expressed by the majority of the Commission's members that the findings from said investigation do not in themselves constitute an adequate basis for a general assessment of the "psychomarket" and that there is a considerable need for further research. It will be necessary to differentiate clearly between the services and methods subsumed under the term "psychomarket". The fact that over 80 percent of the users interviewed were subjectively satisfied with their alternative life- counselling services does not permit any conclusions concerning the effectiveness of specific methods and procedures. Conversely, the finding that there are also "problematic experiences" does not permit conclusions to be drawn with regard to the "psychomarket" as a whole. The Commission had no information at its disposal which would have justified the statement that alternative forms of therapy and life-counselling services are generally more risky than conventional treatments. However, there seems to be largely a lack of clearly defined professional standards and transparency, which means that in individual cases, there may very well be risks that are not sufficiently clear to the client. Research will have to deal with the positive experiences -- which clearly predominate -- and with the potential risks. c) Results of the investigation into "psychogroups" One sub-project of the research project on "Drop-outs, Converts, and Believers" dealt with the field of "Psychocults/Esoterics". 83 ) It involved biographical interviews with active and former members of the following groups and participants in seminars organised by the following organisations: Ayahuasca; Bruno-röning-Kreis; Hannes Scholl; Kontext; Landmark; Life Coaching; Quadrinity Process; Silva Mind; The Natale Institute (TNI); Zentrum für experimentelle Gesellschaftsgestaltung (ZEGG). 84 ) A common feature of these groups is that they offer various forms of (psychological or physical) therapy or help in coping with the problems of life. Their fundamental theoretical and ideological assumptions differ considerably, but as a rule these assumptions are not substantiated scientifically or by conventional medicine. In this point there is definite overlapping with the "psychomarket" that is not organised in groups, and with "esoerics". However, it must be pointed out that the degree of organisation of most of the "psychocults" investigated differed greatly from that of the new religious movements. In most cases it is not possible to speak of "membership" in the proper sense of the word:
Reservations are therefore necessary when comparing "entry" into one of these "psychocults" with conversion to a new religious movement:
There are, however, certain parallels with conversion to religious movements in that the accompanying circumstances and motives leading to the approach to a "psychocult" depend to a great extent on the individual case, which makes it difficult to generalise. On the basis of the biographical interviews and an analysis of these the investigation distinguishes between different types of approach and "entry":
It is remarkable that apart from Type C, in which the approach is induced or pressure is exerted by another person, for example a member of the family (it is also conceivable that the approach might be induced by an employer), the persons involved usually enter the relationship actively and deliberately. The investigation does not confirm the suspicion that the groups or providers "tempt" or "incite" persons to take part more or less against their will:
This combination of circumstances is similar to that found in the approach to new religious movements. The findings show that deliberate recruitment of individuals is plainly of secondary significance for an individual's acceptance of the features offered by a "psychocult". Nor, however, was the assumption confirmed that certain combinations of biographical factors predispose individuals to take an interest in "psychocults":
However, beyond this result, we find that in 10 out of 15 cases -- across all categories, as it were -- there are signs of major disruptions in the socialisation process, or more precisely, in the development of an individual's identity vis-à-vis his or her parents." 90 ) Because of the methods used in the investigation it is not possible to interpret these results quantitatively and establish the statistical frequency of certain combinations of factors, for example. Moreover, the empirical basis of the investigation does not make it possible to determine the consequences of participation in seminars or membership in groups of this kind in general terms. Nor did the Commission have access to any other empirical research findings that would permit generalisations on this point. Like the "psychomarket" complex, the complex of "psychocults" or "psychogroups" is extremely heterogeneous. There is a considerable need for empirical studies on individual types of therapy and groups. The term "psychogroups" suggests a uniformity and comparability that does not seem to exist in practice, at least according to the information available. d) Analysis based on the requirements laid down in the German Bundestag's decision to establish the Commission
In this connection, it must be emphasised once again that the terms
"psycho-market" and "psychogroup" cover an immense range of different
methods, procedures, events, and theoretical and ideological
assumptions. The Scientology
Organisation is also classified as a "psychogroup". This is one of the
reasons why the term has largely negative connotations when used by the
public, rather like the term "sects". As the Scientology Organisation is
in many respects a special case it will be dealt with in a separate
section and is not taken into account here. As far as it is possible to tell from the findings available to the Commission, it is not really appropriate to speak of "organisations" in the case of many or even most of the psychogroups. Their social form is usually that of a relationship between the provider, therapist or teacher and the clients. In most psychogroups the relationships between the clients are less important than in the new religious movements, where group formation and the personal relationships between the members play an important role. In some cases the clients are encouraged to establish and maintain personal contacts with each other outside the courses, which may result in group formation. However, this seems to be the exception. The relatively loose bond between the clients and the providers or teachers makes it difficult to define the exact limits of the "organisations". The teachers of a particular method or tradition may maintain their own networks or even formal associations and organisations. As far as it is possible to tell from the information available, such networks and organisations do not pursue political objectives in the narrower sense of the term. Nor is there any indication that risks to the individual, government or society proceed from these organisations. Naturally we have to distinguish between this aspect and the question of whether the methods used may constitute a risk to the clients. There is no information on the number of providers who belong to a formal association or organisation. Nor is it known how many providers work without such connections. However, as far as "international networks" are concerned, it may be said that many, if not most, of the personality development methods available in Germany are known and used in other countries, too. This means that there is a certain exchange of information at the international level, but nothing is known about its intensity. There are, however, some instances -- apparently very few -- of formal organisations that work on an international basis. The freedom of religion guaranteed by the German Constitution and the limits to such freedom are of little significance in connection with "psychogroups". Apart from the Scientology Organisation, the providers of therapy and personality development courses classified as "psychogroups" do not as a rule claim to be religions. When designated as religious movements by third parties, these organisations usually object to such a classification. 92 ) 2) Reasons for joining a psychogroup and the growth of such organisations 93 ) As already explained, it is not really appropriate to speak of "members" in connection with "psychogroups" as it is usually a case of a relationship between teachers and clients. In some cases, however, groups form which have a membership. The Commission had no information on typical "case histories, i.e. how individuals become members and what happens after they join such organisations" beyond what has been described above as findings of the empirical study. In other words: there are no typical "case histories" in terms of the joining of such groups and membership patterns. The same applies to "enlistment and recruitment strategies". which seem to have little significance for involvement in psychogroups. The Commission was unable to answer the question as to "what social and political conditions lead to an increased willingness to `join' a psychogroup". As far as the overall conditions for the emergence and development of new religious and ideological groups and movements are concerned, we refer to Chapter 3.1 of the Report adopted by the majority of the Commission's members, with which we agree. Nor was there any information which would suggest that "citizens, as well as companies, associations, pressure groups and other institutions are inadvertently being drawn into such organisations or abused by them". 94 ) We have established that existing dangers and risks cannot be described by taking a generalised view of the "psychomarket" and "psychogroups". Because of the great complexity and heterogeneity of the subject it is not possible to regard the risks that doubtless exist in certain areas as typical; nor are we justified in emphasising only the positive experiences and possibilities that doubtless exist as well. The findings do not permit generalisation in any direction. The fact that there is no evidence to suggest that certain organisations constitute a danger does not permit the conclusion that the methods and procedures used are free of risks. Nor does the existing information exclude the possibility that individual providers are not properly qualified in the methods they employ. In fact, the immense diversity of the field makes it highly probable that there are dubious individuals among the providers. On the other hand, this does not permit the broader conclusion that all or the majority of the providers are dubious or unqualified. It is in the interests both of the users and of the providers to draw up criteria for professional qualification and professional codes of ethics in order to ensure greater transparency and reduce the risk of encountering service providers of doubtful character. The findings also show that it is necessary to make a clear distinction between new religious movements on the one hand and the psychomarket or psychogroups on the other. There are considerable differences between the two fields both in the way they view themselves and in the outward form they take. Nor are the problems the same. Most importantly, it must be pointed out that in the psychomarket/psychogroup field explicit offers of therapies and personality development courses are made for which specific techniques are employed. This creates a risk that such techniques will be incorrectly applied and possibly even abused. In most new religious movements, however, explicit techniques for changing an individual's subjective well-being play only a minor role (e.g. in the form of meditation), or they are of no significance at all. Any personality changes are usually a result of the relationship with the group. The main risks therefore lie in the possibility of tensions in the social relationships within the community or with outsiders. In many respects the Scientology Organisation holds a special position in the public discussion of so-called sects and psychogroups. This is true first of all in quantitative terms: no other organisation or movement in this sector is the subject of so many reports in the media as Scientology; no other movement is so often the reason for consulting an counselling centre. 95 ) However, it is also true in qualitative terms: No other organisation or movement is the target of such massive accusations that even go as far as criminal acts and unconstitutional activities; and no other organisation has reacted to criticism in such an aggressive and exaggerated manner as Scientology. The propaganda campaign carried out primarily in the United States, but also in Germany, in which the situation of Scientology in present-day Germany was compared to that of the Jews in the National Socialist period does not only reveal a willingness for ruthless disinformation; it is also proof of a strong tendency to respond to conflicts with confrontation. All this makes it necessary to view Scientology separately. It is essential to make a systematic study of the conflicts and problems associated with this organisation. However, at the same time it would not be correct to do so in the context of the new religious movements and psychogroups, for this would encourage the impression that the conflicts and problems concerned are those that exist to some extent in other groups as well. 1) General information; organisational structure and membership The Commission has intensively studied the Scientology Organisation, assuming that the organisation is not a religious community or a new religious movement although it calls itself "Church of Scientology"; however, this question was not discussed in detail. Moreover, it is of secondary importance for the topics dealt with by the Commission in connection with Scientology since the main objective was to analyse and assess the organisation's practices rather than any religious or ideological doctrines. The Commission's material consisted mainly of information provided by its expert members, documents from the Scientology Organisation, statements by former members and scientific experts interviewed, opinions by official bodies, and generally accessible information such as press reports. Representatives of the Scientology Organisation were invited to a hearing held by the Enquete Commission, but they were not willing to answer questions. In addition, some of the members of the Commission had discussions with many people concerned with Scientology during a trip to the United States. According to the terminology used by the Commission, the Scientology Organisation can be described as a "psychogroup". This is supported by the fact that offers of courses or methods for developing one's own personality are an important element. As in the case of many other psychogroups it is difficult to identify the boundaries of membership". Even repeated participation in courses does not, in itself, constitute membership status. Nor do the participants usually leave their normal social environment. However, there are also persons who work for the organisation for remuneration or on an unpaid basis. In the case of such "personnel" it is possible to speak of a status similar to membership, especially if the work involves formal membership in an organisation with legal capacity. The Commission had no information on the extent to which such formal membership exists in Germany. Against this background, statistics on the number of members provide little useful information unless the criteria for membership are specified. The 1997 report on protection of the Constitution estimates the number of members at "well below 10,000". 96 ) Unlike most other psychogroups, the Scientology Organisation has a highly formal organisational structure. This structure is strongly hierarchical and bureaucratic, and there is an international network. The organisation's headquarters is in Los Angeles. How far the formal administrative structures are actually implemented and function in practice is impossible to say in general, but according to the information submitted to the Commission we may assume that it is usually the case. This is also substantiated by the noticeably high level of coordination between activities in Germany and the United States that became apparent during the propaganda campaign described above. Scientology also differs from most other psychogroups in that the theoretical and ideological principles on which the techniques offered in the courses are based are elaborated in great detail in the writings of L. Ron Hubbard. Some of the doctrines and metaphysical speculations are not generally accessible; they are not revealed (officially) until the "higher levels" of the system have been reached after various preparatory courses. The Commission did not go into these doctrines. Nor did the Commission go into the "reasons for joining [...] and the growth" of the Scientology Organisation. 97 ) As far as it is possible to tell from other sources, membership patterns seem to vary just as much as in other psychogroups. An earlier sociological study distinguishes between three types of motives that lead individuals to approach Scientology. 98 ) It also gives various reasons for leaving. Published reports by former Scientology followers show that the "exit" is by no means always fraught with conflict or accompanied by "psycho-terror". 99 ) On the other hand, there is no doubt that the organisation reacts extremely aggressively to public criticism in many cases. The Commission's findings do not go much beyond what is already generally known to the public from articles in the press and reports by official bodies. 100 ) On the grounds of certain remarks in Hubbard's writings and internal documents, the majority of the Constitutional Offices of the German states came to the conclusion, in 1997, that there are hard evidence suggesting that the organisation is pursuing unconstitutional aspirations. At their meeting on 5/6 June 1997, the ministers of the interior of the Federal Republic of Germany decided that the requirements for observation by the offices for the protection of the Constitution were thus met. In the 1997 Report on the Protection of the Constitution, these grounds were repeated, but no additional findings were presented. 101 ) Since the offices for the protection of the Constitution were instructed to submit a report to the Conference of German Ministers of the Interior on the findings of their observation "in a year's time". it can be assumed that more precise information on unconstitutional aspirations of the Scientology Organisation will soon be available. The Commission did not have any information that could not be assumed to be also accessible for the offices for the protection of the Constitution. Irrespective of the question of presumed unconstitutional aspirations, the Commission investigated specific practices of the Scientology Organisation. Through statements made by witnesses and experts, the Commission was informed about the fact that in other countries (United States, United Kingdom, Denmark), the Scientology Organisation was running institutions that resembled penal camps ("Rehabilitation Project Force"), in which members were abused and detained against their will. According to these reports, the Scientology Organisation systematically violates human rights. We feel that it is urgently necessary to persuade the governments of the countries concerned, through suitable channels, that these reports should be followed up. There is no evidence of similar institutions in Germany. Moreover, according to press reports quoting the director of the Hamburg Office for the Protection of the Constitution, there is currently no information on offences committed by the "Office of Special Affairs" (OSA) which is regarded as the Scientology Organisation's secret service. However, critics and ex-members have been persecuted with "psycho-terror". 102 ) The business activities of the Scientology Organisation deserve special attention. Both the very high fees for participation in courses and the claim to achieve economic success with Hubbard's "technologies" play a role in this connection. The combination of a decidedly commercial orientation and an ideological/metaphysical superstructure has provoked bold characterisations such as "capitalism as a religion" among the public. 103 ) Other features related to this are the great pressure to achieve success and growth that is said to exist in companies associated with Scientology and the selection of employees according to criteria of efficiency and performance in keeping with the corporate goals. Experts consulted by the Commission drew attention to the fact that persons associated with Scientology do have influence at local level, at least in the real estate sector. In some towns, estate agents are said to have used ruthless methods of putting pressure on tenants in the course of transforming rented accommodation into owner-occupied property. Companies associated with Scientology are thought to be involved in personnel and management training as well as the real estate business. It is assumed that the training activities allow the organisation to acquire influence in companies through multiplying agents. The extent to which this has happened in Germany and whether it is a significant or merely marginal phenomenon did not become clear even after the Enquete Commission had interviewed representatives of associations. There are no representative empirical findings on this point. In their study on "Scientology in Management". Angelika Christ and Steven Goldner come to the conclusion that there is no evidence suggesting that Scientology is "buying up industry". The profits achieved by the organisation are plainly not great enough to permit investment and the purchase of good blocks of shares: "The annual income of the Scientology Organisation in Germany is about DM 55 million. [...] This would be a nice sum for a medium-sized enterprise, but it is not quite enough for a major group." 104 ) A survey carried out by an employers' association among its members also indicates that the business activities of the Scientology Organisation play a fairly marginal role in the context of industry as a whole. 105 ) Against the background of a total of about three million firms in Germany, the estimated number controlled by Scientology (200 to 300 in 1995, 500 in 1997) indicates that the organisation's overall economic significance is limited. 106 ) Representatives of the Arbeitsgemeinschaft Selbständiger Unternehmer (ASU -- Association of Self-Employed Entrepreneurs) informed the Enquete Commission that it had conducted a survey on Scientology among its 7,000 members asking for "relevant findings obtained in their own companies or in their professional environment". Ten members responded to this survey. Two of them suspected that contacts between the industry concerned and persons believed to be associated with Scientology involved financial losses. However, this does not mean that contact with Scientology involves no risks to individual companies or persons. In one company known to the Enquete Commission the internal conflict with a managing director influenced by Scientology is said to have assumed dimensions that jeopardised the firm's existence. The managing director allegedly tried to implement Scientological thought and the obligation to train employees according to Hubbard's methods in his own company and set the enterprise unrealistic growth objectives. As Scientology has a very bad reputation in Germany, it may be a threat to a company's survival to be associated with the organisation in public, even if it is only a case of unsubstantiated rumours. It was not the task of the Commission to check all the accusations against the Scientology Organisation in detail; nor did it have the means to do so. However, some of the accusations are so serious that they should be investigated by the relevant authorities. This applies in particular to the penal-camp-type facilities in other countries in which German citizens are said by lawyers and ex-members to be detained along with other persons. 107 ) Where the accusations relate to criminal acts it is the task of the criminal prosecution authorities to ensure that they are investigated. However, the only way to prevent L. Ron Hubbard's concepts and their anti-democratic elements from being spread is to inform the public and ensure that the liberal values of our Constitution are sustainably anchored in the population. The information available also shows that Scientology is anything but typical. Scientology cannot be compared either with new religious movements or with "psychogroups" in general. At least, the criticisms that are in the foreground of the public debate such as the accusation of unconstitutional aspirations and efforts to achieve economic and political power do not apply similarly to other "psychogroups" or new religious movements. Nor does the openly anti-German propaganda from other countries, especially from the United States, have any parallels. This makes it necessary to counteract existing tendencies to quote Scientology as an example of the problems and conflicts associated with so-called sects and psychogroups. Occultism and esoterics; Satanism; pyramid selling systems The Commission also investigated the field of occultism and esoterics. It was defined as belief in the effects of hidden forces and powers beyond sensory perception and the efficacy of lucky charms, faith-healers, astrology, divining with pendulums and fortune- telling with tarot cards. On the one hand this covers a field sometimes popularly described as "superstition". On the other hand the term occultism includes practices outside the sphere of conventional medicine such as homeopathy and acupuncture. 108 ) In other words, "occultism" (or alternatively "esoterics") covers practices of very different kinds; their common denominator is that they involve ideas that cannot be proved scientifically. This is a feature they have in common with every religious faith. Although there may be good reasons for criticising esoteric or religious systems of belief on scientific and rationalist grounds, it was not the Commission's task to express an opinion on this ideological conflict. Occultism and esoterics follow traditions that can be traced back to ancient times; they have had considerable influence on intellectual history into the modern age through figures such as Paracelsus (1493-1541) and Jacob Boehme (1575-1624). 109 ) A clear distinction must be made between these and Satanism, which is a comparatively recent phenomenon of the modern age, especially the 19th and 20th centuries. The various forms of Satanism are clearly distinguishable from Christianity by the symbol of Satan, whereas occult and esoteric concepts are sometimes associated with Christian traditions, both historically and in the present day. The groups associated with the subject of Satanism are extremely various. In particular the syncretising variant "youth Satanism" is visible to the public and often taken up by the media. However, there are also organised forms of Satanism that are scarcely noticed by the public and constitute a non-quantifiable fringe phenomenon in Germany. 110 ) Reports in the media on criminal acts with a Satanic background have attracted public attention. The Enquete Commission therefore questioned the state-level offices of criminal investigation on the subject of offences that might be related to Satanic practices. According to this information, offences with a Satanic background are not recorded separately in most of the German states. However, the local criminal investigation offices do have to report "important events". As the Office of Criminal Investigation of the State of Brandenburg sees it, offences "with a Satanic backround in cemeteries and churches" automatically fall into this category. The Commission does not know whether "important events" of this kind are recorded in all the German states. In 1995, the Office of Criminal Investigation of the State of North-Rhine Westphalia made a systematic evaluation of offences possibly connected with occultism and Satanism and included incidents in other states. The report summarises as follows:
The Office of Criminal Investigation of the State of Baden-Württemberg came to a similar conclusion:
In some respects the findings of the criminal investigation offices contradict those of the advisory centres on sects. Even if it is not possible to prove a suspected connection between criminal offences and Satanic concepts and practices, a careful observation of this field would seem wise in view of public concern. In our opinion the information submitted to the Commission does not reveal a connection between the various forms of such "youth Satanism" and "new religious and ideological movements, so-called sects and psychogroups". 113 ) The Commission had no information on organised forms of Satanism in Germany and criminal offences connected with them. The Commission also went into the subject of certain forms of marketing -- so- called pyramid and multi-level marketing systems. 114 ) It emerged that some of these enterprises seem to work with dishonest practices. In this context, there appears to be a need for action in the field of commercial law and the law on competition. In our opinion, the information submitted to the Commission does not justify the classification of these commercial enterprises as "new religious and ideological movements, so-called sects and psychogroups" 115 ) or to suspect any connection with new religious and ideological movements. III. Assessment of the findings The emergence of new religious and ideological movements is a normal phenomenon in modern countries in which religion and belief are not subject to control by governmental bodies. A consequence of the pluralism of modern societies, where great importance is attached to diversity of opinion and the right to shape one's own life, is that individuals are allowed wide scope to decide for themselves. Involvement in new religious movements is an expression of this freedom to decide. The same applies to interest in new and unconventional methods of personality development, therapies and sensitivity training. The vast range of "products" on the "psychomarket" meets this demand. 1. Difficulties involved in the assessment of religious and ideological conflicts
Here, as in all other areas of society, the freedom to act on one's own
responsibility involves the risk of making wrong decisions. The freedom
of the individual is inseparably linked to the individual's
responsibility for his own actions. It is Any assessment of the risks religious and ideological movements and communities may involve is complicated by a further difficulty: as a rule, the situation is viewed differently from outside and inside. What appears from outside to be a risk involving psychological dependency and loss of contact with reality appears from inside to be a chance of understanding oneself and the world better and experiencing life in a community of like- inded people. The opinions on this point are strongly influenced by ideology. To ignore the fact that conflicts with new religious and ideological movements are also conflicts between different convictions, sets of values and views of the world would be to leave an important element of social reality out of the discussion. Against this background it is wise to exercise restraint. Government must be aware of its limitations. It is not in a position to decide what is useful or harmful to the individual if "useful" or "harmful" is a matter of ideology or religious belief. And it must not take sides if this question is disputed in society. This is no easy matter, for the representatives of government are themselves part of this society, with convictions and values of their own. However, the State is the State of all its citizens. "Nobody shall be prejudiced or favoured because of their sex, birth, race, language, national or social origin, faith, or religion or political opinions" (Art. 3 (3) of the German Constitution). In social conflicts in which the representatives of government and the people have beliefs and religious and political views of their own this is a very demanding precept. It means that where government has any reason at all to become involved in such conflicts, it is necessary to set limits. Government can and must ensure that its laws are observed. Government can and must help those who seek and need help. However, it must remain impartial. It cannot and must not make the arguments of one party its own and neglect those of the other side. And it must only base its judgement on what it has found to be substantiated facts. The German Bundestag established the Enquete Commission to investigate "the problems emanating from new religious and ideological movements, so-called sects and psychogroups". in particular "the increasing societal significance of the emergence and growth of such organisations and the dangers and conflicts provoked by them": 116 ) The following chapters summarise the results of the Commission's work from our perspective with regard to the dangers and conflicts arising from the new religious and ideological movements. We expressly exclude areas that cannot be regarded as new religious and ideological movements, in particular pyramid and other commercial marketing systems. We also exclude the Scientology Organisation, since it is in many respects a special case -- as explained above -- and is therefore dealt with separately. 2. Conflicts concerning new religious and ideological movements In a country based on liberal principles, no person can and must be denied the right to criticise convictions, values and ways of life he considers wrong. Nor must any person be denied the right to cling to these convictions, values and ways of life even if they are criticised. Such conflicts can and must be endured as long as they take place within the scope permitted by the law. In a pluralistic society whose economic, political and cultural dynamics is closely linked with competition and rivalry, it would be unreasonable to define conflicts as a societal problem as such. There is no doubt that conflicts exist in connection with new religious and ideological movements. By and large they fall into two categories: (1) conflicts between new religious and ideological movements, or their members, and outsiders; (2) conflicts within new religious and ideological movements. For society as a whole, the first category is by far the more important. As a rule, the opposing parties in such conflicts and the critics of new religious and ideological movements are representatives of the established Churches, especially experts on sects and ideological questions; action groups made up of parents and persons affected, along with other private organisations; individual parents and relatives of members of new religious and ideological movements; some former members, and finally certain journalists. In a few cases, governmental bodies also become involved as a party to the conflict. The conflicts are characterised by a mixture of antagonistic interests and ideologies and also personal distress. For those involved, especially those personally affected (on both sides), such conflicts are often severe and painful. Nevertheless, these conflicts are not a fundamental social problem or -- worse still -- a danger to society. This is true at least as long as the conflicts are fought out with methods appropriate to a constitutional state and within the framework permitted by the law. By and large this seems to be the case. Where it is not the case, government must intervene. The necessary laws already exist. The same applies, in principle, to the second category. Conflicts within new religious and ideological movements cannot be regarded as a problem in themselves either. Such conflicts are common in other social contexts too. This is expressed clearly in one of the reports submitted to the Commission: "The contexts observed in this study suggest that the potential for conflict and the conflicts that actually arise should be viewed in comparison with other social groups and relationship structures characterised by social proximity, intensive interaction, hierarchical dependency or concrete expectations and hopes. Again and again, membership in groups in ideological milieus was compared with marriage and family structures." 117 ) Conflicts are not, in themselves, a social problem that requires intervention by government. However, conflicts may be indicators of social problems that demand intervention. This makes it necessary to investigate the concrete accusations raised by the conflicting parties against each other. On this basis, it is then possible to assess what action, if any, has to be taken. a. Accusations raised against new religious and ideological movements The report approved by the majority of the Commission's members summarises the accusations raised against new religious and ideological movements from the point of view of "Potential for conflict" (Chapter 3.3.5). The example of "Potential for conflict" illustrates the difficulties involved in assessing ideological conflicts. The following paragraphs therefore deal with the main accusations from the point of view of whether they demand action on the part of government and take the actual findings of the Commission into account:
The above examples indicate some fundamental problems of assessment. First it should be said that the fact that the Commission did not have information that would justify regarding the accusations raised as facts does not mean that they should be considered untrue or unfounded in principle. It is conceivable, for example, that physical force is or has been used in some cases. 118 ) In principle there is no reason to assume that there are fewer infringements of the law in the context of new religious and ideological movements than in other social contexts, or that the members are less susceptible to errors and misconduct than other persons. However, nor is there any reason to assume that infringements of the law, misconduct and errors are more frequent than in the rest of society. Certainly the Commission had no information that would lead to such an assumption. It would not therefore be appropriate to accumulate accusations that may be true in one case or another and use them to define new religious and ideological movements as a social problem area. The Commission's work shows that social problems certainly exist, especially in the personal sphere. However, it does not show that the problems occur more frequently than in similar social contexts, or are basically any different. It is necessary to define social problems in concrete terms in order to solve them. The studies prepared at the Commission's request show that as a rule it is not correct to seek the causes of the problems observed in the structures or doctrines of new religious or ideological movements alone. On the contrary, the specific relationship between the individual and the group -- that may or may not "fit" -- must be taken into account in each case. It becomes more difficult to solve problems of this nature if their causes are sought in the potential for conflict attributed to some new religious and ideological movements. The reports on the counselling situation submitted to the Commission make it plain that professional counselling usually follows a different approach: "In all the counselling processes it became evident that the cult context remained in the foreground until the clients were in a position to address their own problems and start solving them. From this point onwards the cult problem shrank to insignificance." 119 )
Any assessment of the accusations brought against new religious and
ideological movements must take the complex structure of conflicts into
account. General experience shows that the parties to conflicts blame
each other and accuse b. Societal conflicts and protection of minorities As a rule, the accusations against the new religious and ideological movements are rejected by the representatives of these communities as untrue. In one case (ISKCON), it was admitted that no-one -- including ISKCON's own members -- is without faults, and that it is necessary to eliminate such faults if they are recognised. On the other hand the representatives of new religious and ideological movements also criticised their opponents. In particular, some Church, governmental and private counselling and information centres were accused of provoking or aggravating conflicts through biased criticism. There were also complaints that the media often convey a distorted or incorrect image that contributes to a climate of rejection and defamation of new religious and ideological movements in society. What has been said above in connection with the structure of conflicts applies here, too. The recriminations are usually mutual. The Commission was not in a position to examine the accusations made by the representatives of new religious and ideological minorities for their real substance. Nor was it able to check the accusations against new religious and ideological movements in this respect. In both cases there is potential for conflict, i.e. it is possible that conflicts may arise if the content of the various accusations proves to be true. This makes it difficult to assess the conflicts. One example: what is more dangerous -- the conflicts that may arise from the fact that a religious or ideological movement with a strong sense of mission appears on the scene and shows hostility towards its environment; or the conflicts that may arise from the fact that a group of "sect opponents" with a strong sense of mission appears on the scene and shows hostility towards new religious movements? Clearly, it is difficult, if not impossible, to draw conclusions about real dangers or evils from the potential dangers that have been found to exist. This can only be done on the basis of concrete findings that show whether and to what extent possible combinations of circumstances actually occur and create risks. This led the Enquete Commission to have empirical research carried out to help answer the question. 120 ) The findings were surprising in that it was not possible to state that new religious and ideological movements constitute a hazard to their members. These findings are not representative, but an evaluation of representative studies also requested by the Enquete Commission produced the same result. 121 ) Naturally these findings do not permit conclusions with regard to individual cases. However, they are the only results obtained by reliable methods that were available to the Commission. We must not ignore them when taking stock and assessing the situation. As far as it is possible to tell from the studies carried out at the Commission's request they suggest that new religious and ideological movements are not a source of danger to individuals. This does not mean that there are no cases in which dangers to individuals exist in the context of a new religious movement. In any social context there are cases where individuals are at risk. However, in view of a public discussion in which fears are expressed that so-called sects and psychogroups -- i.e. new religious and ideological movements -- are in general a danger to the individual, and that their growth is therefore a social problem, we consider it necessary to emphasise different points of the assessment from the majority of the Commission's members. As we see it, the most important result of the Commission's work is that it is not possible to confirm the public's fears. We feel that it is important to stress this finding because we think it is necessary to counteract the tendency, revealed by public discussion, to regard new religious and ideological movements as socially disruptive influences. Religious and ideological minorities -- and that is what we are dealing with here -- are a part of our society. Their members are citizens of this country. As such, they have a right to correct the image that exists among the public if the Commission's work reveals that such correction is necessary. Many representatives of new religious minorities have expressed the concern that religious minorities are being stigmatised socially as a result of the public discussion of "sects". Their experiences and fears have to be taken just as seriously as the experiences and fears of those who criticise the new religious and ideological movements. We also consider it necessary to point out that in many respects it was not possible to confirm the definition of the problem which all the parties in the German Bundestag (including the political party we represent) took as their starting point when the Enquete Commission was established. It was not confirmed that the emergence and growth of new religious and ideological movements is "a growing and complex source of danger and conflict". 122 ) This means that there is no reason for government to seek ways of preventing people from committing themselves to new religious and ideological movements or ways of encouraging people to leave such communities. Government must restrict its activity to helping individuals in specific cases where help is necessary. As long as new religious and ideological movements develop within the framework permitted by law, without violating the law, they do not constitute a problem of public order. Religious and ideological conflicts that arise in this context can and must be settled outside the government's sphere of competence. Government can only fulfil its responsibility of protecting the rights of all its citizens if it remains neutral in such conflicts and ensures that the existing laws are obeyed. The present conflicts are an indication that the current process of rapid social and economic change and the tensions and insecurities it involves has triggered processes of cultural change as well. Religion and ideology are not exempt from this. The globalisation of cultural relationships and the pluralisation of ways of life within society are developments that can be viewed from different angles but scarcely prevented. All change is a source of risks. However, it also offers opportunities. The diversity of religions and ideologies -- old and new -- and the competition between them offers individuals a chance to decide freely and on their own responsibility; and it offers society a chance of open discussion in which the individual can ascertain his own position in a critical comparison with the convictions of those who are not of the same mind. These opportunities should receive as much attention as the risks. It has already been explained in the descriptive part of this minority opinion that the Scientology Organisation has, in many respects, a special position within the new religious and ideological movements. This is confirmed by the fact that the Commission did not classify the organisation as a new religious movement, nor did it decide whether to speak of an ideological movement. The Commission did not, however, feel obliged to go into the question of whether it was to be classified as a religious or ideological movement, a "psychogroup" or a commercial enterprise, since this was irrelevant to its work. It has already been explained in detail that the Commission had access to a large amount of information that gives cause for concern and criticism. In our opinion the most serious elements are the reports on institutions resembling penal camps in certain countries abroad, in which violations of human rights are said to take place. Like many other accusations against Scientology, these have no parallels in other new religious and ideological movements. This is why we consider it necessary to deal with Scientology separately. We have the impression that the greater part of the criticism and concern expressed by the public in connection with "sects" refers to Scientology. The public's perception of the "sect problem" is dominated by its perception of Scientology. However, as Scientology is neither representative nor typical of new religious and ideological movements and "psychogroups" -- on the contrary, it is highly atypical -- there is a risk of grave misunderstandings. Religious and ideological minorities in general may be suspected of having structures similar to those of Scientology. The accusations against the Scientology Organisation are so grave that all the means open to a constitutional democracy must be employed to investigate these allegations. It is inexplicable that there are accounts of institutions resembling penal camps in Member States of the European Union (the United Kingdom and possibly Denmark) and in the United States without it having been possible to persuade the governments of the countries concerned to bring the matter to light. Similarly, it must be investigated whether serious violations of the law are or have been committed by Scientology in Germany. All the legal instruments for doing so exist already and should be used. This is a challenge to a constitutional state in which every citizen is initially presumed innocent. This assumption includes the Scientology Organisation and its members. It is therefore in the interests of the persons under suspicion as well as those of the public that suspected criminal acts should be investigated and prosecuted. Investigations by the public prosecutors' offices also serve as a protection against unfounded suspicions. Here there may be a need for action by the authorities responsible for criminal prosecution. As long as criticism of the Scientology Organisation is not focused on suspected illegal acts but on Scientology's view of the world and human life, there is limited scope for governmental action. In principle, no person must be denied the right to adopt views that are disapproved of by the majority. However, if these views and doctrines are incompatible with constitutional interests and standards or with the basic ethical consensus in society, it is necessary to take active steps to investigate these issues. This calls for extensive information to be made available to the public and for efforts to strengthen the liberal and democratic values inherent in the German Constitution. 4. The problem of psychological destablilisation and manipulation Within the Commission, there was much discussion with regard to the problem of potential psychological manipulation by means of so-called psychotechniques. This discussion was necessary because it is a common impression among the public that individuals do not decide for themselves to become members of a new religious movement; they are thought to be trapped by such organisations practically without an act of will and robbed of their freedom to decide by means of subtle techniques. All the investigations carried out at the Commission's request conclude that there is no confirmation of this assumption. In this context we refer to the research results described in the section "Individual aspects: conversion, membership and 'exit'." There is no evidence suggesting that new religious movements use techniques of social control and psychological manipulation that differ from those of other groups and communities. A different problem is that of the psychotechniques used by "psychogroups" whose explicit objective is to bring about personality changes or changes in the psychological disposition of their clients. This is what clients who commit themselves to such groups are seeking, for they feel a need to improve their own psychological situation and have corresponding expectations. Here, as in psychotherapy and sometimes in education, certain methods and techniques are used with the intention of promoting development in the desired direction. This is a precarious situation in that the therapist or teacher may promote developments with consequences the client is unable to assess. It means that the client must have great confidence in the teacher or therapist. However, confidence can, in principle, be abused. The Commission had no information on whether and to what extent abuse occurs in this field. Nevertheless, it would seem useful and necessary to try to prevent possible undesirable developments by establishing, codifying and supervising professional standards. The Commission also discussed the much more fundamental problem arising from the possibilities of influencing and conditioning human beings in a specific direction. Techniques of this kind are used in personality training, for example management training courses, to increase individual efficiency. However, they are also used by some pyramid marketing organisations and in certain sales strategies with the aim of weakening the critical faculties of individuals. There is felt to be a danger that influencing techniques based on behavioural psychology will be used to a much greater extent in future, and that human beings will be manipulated in this way. Since there was no evidence that techniques of this kind are used in new religious and ideological movements, the Commission did not go into the matter any further. However, one member of the Commission did point out that the training methods used in the Scientology Organisation should be viewed in this context. The Commission had no more detailed information. On the basis of the available information we have come to the conclusion that, in general, new religious and ideological movements in Germany do not pose any danger to individuals, society or government. The risks to the individual identified in connection with membership in a new religious or ideological movement are within the limits of what can be observed in other close emotional groups and relationships. It cannot be overlooked that numerous conflicts have arisen in connection with new religious and ideological movements, and that they persist. A large proportion of these conflicts takes place within families. As far as it is possible to tell from the information available, such conflicts usually have to be interpreted against the background of disturbed family relationships. Moreover, there are definite signs of conflict in the sphere of public discussion. Some new religious and ideological movements are criticised severely in the media and in public statements. The derogatory term "sects" is a social stigma for new religious movements and religious minorities in general. In our opinion, the information available does not justify describing existing conflicts as being caused by new religious and ideological movements alone. Conflicts are interactive processes, and their causes and the course they take must be determined in each case individually. In principle we do not consider family and social conflicts that take place within the framework permitted by law a threat to public order that requires intervention by government. However, we do feel that there is a need for governmental counselling services that help individuals cope with personal or family conflicts. There is no doubt that personal misconduct and breaches of the law exist in new religious and ideological movements as they do elsewhere. However, there is no evidence that they occur more often there than in similar social contexts. When viewed in the context of society as a whole they cannot be regarded as typical of this sector. Where undesirable developments occur it is necessary to name them specifically. Attributing them to the sphere of "so-called sects and psychogroups" in general encourages the tendency to use suspected or actual irregularities in one group as a reason for criticising new religious and ideological movements as a whole. On the basis of this assessment we consider the existing laws adequate for reacting in a suitable manner to problems and conflicts occurring in individual cases.
For this reason our recommendations for action only contain measures
that do not require amendments to existing laws or the introduction of
new ones. 1. Conflict reduction and promotion of religious and ideological tolerance The results of the studies carried out on behalf of the Enquete Commission have shown that conflicts with and within new religious and ideological movements cannot be ascribed to one or the other of the conflicting parties only. The disputes that arise in this connection often radiate beyond the circle of those immediately involved -- sometimes because of crude generalisations in the media. Such conflicts can escalate into lengthy, entrenched legal disputes that may involve individual questions of custody in families or the charitable status of communities. In pluralistic societies it is impossible to prevent the occurrence of social conflicts. However, this raises the question of whether such conflicts cannot be settled through a willingness for dialogue rather than by having recourse to the overtaxed courts. We therefore suggest that mediation centres should be established that should be run by major players in society. Like a "round table", they could provide the organisational framework for a dialogue designed to defusing conflicts in religious matters. Ideally, mediation centres try to achieve constructive conflict settlements that are actively supported by the parties instead of just being passively accepted. However, in no field is there a guarantee that conflicts can be settled by mediation. This also applies to religious tensions that have such heterogeneous causes as rivalry between different religious faiths or standards that differ from one generation to another. There are already institutions similar to mediation centres in other countries, or they are under discussion there. 123 ) In the United Kingdom, the major religious communities and other organisations such as the Baha'i are represented in the Interfaith Network. The groups that make up this institution have agreed on common objectives: they seek to promote tolerance and mutual understanding. They aim to stem religious conflicts and prevent abuse and undesirable developments from occurring in the name of religion. If a group takes part in the Interfaith Network it signalises to the public that it identifies with the above objectives. In France, an "Interministerial Observation Centre" has been established with a view to religious and ideological minorities. It is attached to the Prime Minister's Office and has an interdisciplinary staff of lawyers, sociologists and representatives of other fields. The French Conference of Bishops has suggested including representatives of the major religious communities such as Christianity, Judaism, Islam and Buddhism, representatives of ideological groups, humanists, and representatives of self-help groups in this "Observation Centre". In Germany, numerous Churches already work together in the Association of Christian Churches (ACK), along the lines of ecumenical Christianity. It would be desirable for the mediation centres to include other religious and ideological communities, self-help groups of affected individuals, religious scholars, lawyers etc. as well as these organisations. Membership or guest status could be used to express the fact that organisations can change in accordance with the objectives of the mediation centre. We therefore suggest that the societal players concerned should enter a dialogue with the objective of reducing conflicts, strengthening informal approaches that already exist in this field, 124 ) and creating the suitable organisational framework for mediation centres. Moreover, it is the task of government to promote a climate of religious and ideological tolerance. We share the opinion of the Special Rapporteur of the United Nations, Abdelfattah Amor, that government should play an active role over and above everyday political events -- in "developing an awareness of the values of tolerance and non- discrimination in the field of religion and belief". 125 ) We recommend that governmental authorities should treat information on possible abuse and risks that may exist in connection with religious and ideological movements and promotion of tolerance towards such groups as objectives of equal importance. 2. Avoiding the use of the term "sects" in statements by the government When the derogatory term "sects" is used publicly to describe religious and ideological communities, it has the effect of acting both as an accusation and condemnation. Although this is not the case in the immediate legal sense, it is perceived to be so by society. A religious or ideological community described as a "sect" is a target for disapproval or even contempt. In the eyes of the public it is often a general danger and threat. This is true even if the organisation and its members have done no wrong in the legal and moral sense. Several small religious and ideological movements told the Enquete Commission that they were disparaged by general warnings against "sects" or individual groups. It emerged that negative characteristics associated with the term "sect" are often attributed to religious and ideological communities that are not meant. This may result in disadvantages to members of the groups in their personal relationships and careers, and sometimes even in dealings with public authorities. We recommend that terms such as "sects" or "so-called sects" should no longer be used in government statements or social publications. Efforts should be made to avoid derogatory generalisations that subject the whole spectrum of religious and ideological minorities to undue overall suspicion. The terms "new religious communities" or "new religious movements" and "new ideological movements" are therefore preferable for the purposes of neutral description and analysis. Where it is advisable to issue warnings in the context of government information work, no generalisations should be made. Instead, the specific cases meant should be stated. 3. Establishment of a foundation We recommend establishing a foundation. Its objective would be to acquire and disseminate substantiated information on new religious and ideological movements. It should investigate conflicts in connection with new religious and ideological communities and mediate where necessary. The foundation should document information on such organisations and promote measures directed towards preventing or minimising conflicts. We advocate a foundation in the form of a public-law institution with financial support from the German Federal Government and the individual states. At the same time the foundation should be free to accept donations from third parties. The idea of a foundation springs from the intention that government, which is neutral in matters of belief and ideology, should play the role of a mediator in social conflicts and ease tensions. The composition of the foundation's bodies must therefore reflect the fact that representatives of new religious and ideological movements are included in the social dialogue. In addition to representatives of the Bundestag, the German Federal Government and the Bundesrat, the Governing Board of the foundation should therefore include scientific experts and representatives of socially relevant organisations, including in this context the Catholic Church, the German Protestant Church, Free Churches, the Jewish community, the Islamic community, new religious and ideological communities, groups of persons directly affected and the German Press Council. In addition to an Executive Board to be elected by the Governing Board, the foundation should have advisory boards on special subjects. Their tasks would be carried out in the fields of research, activities abroad, skill upgrading courses, and conflict moderation. Those who go into the subject of religious and ideological minorities in Germany find themselves confronted with the general problem of having to assess a highly complex range of organisations on the basis of inadequate information. Much of the information in general circulation is not based on established facts; it consists of opinions disseminated by opponents of new religious communities or by the movements themselves. What is lacking in Germany is a systematic, methodologically well-founded verification of this information, taking into consideration international research findings. The lack of an adequate scientific basis makes it very difficult for the interested public to acquire reliable information on individual religious communities. When false information is spread, it can have serious consequences for the members of the religious communities concerned, even to the extent of restricting their fundamental right to practise religion undisturbed. However, conversely, contact with certain groups may involve risks to the individual if false information is given. This means that governmental institutions whose purpose is to inform the public have a special duty to exercise care and to improve the present inadequate level of information available. In Germany, the scientific discussion with regard to the phenomenon of new religious and ideological communities is often carried out against the background of the much broader research carried out in the United States and the United Kingdom. However, because of the different cultural, social and political conditions, it is not entirely satisfactory to relate these research findings to the situation in Germany. This means that there is a need for separate research efforts in Germany. We therefore suggest that the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German Research Foundation) should introduce "new religious and ideological movements" as an interdisciplinary funding priority. This field of research should also be given due consideration in the structural plans of universities. Personal and family conflicts and crises that may arise with members of new religious communities or their relatives are sometimes such a worry to the persons involved that they seek professional help. The investigations carried out on behalf of the Enquete Commission have shown that the conflicts can only be analysed and solved if the individuals' biographical situation is taken into account. While current or former membership in a new religious or ideological community is an important factor, it cannot usually be regarded as the cause of the problems that have arisen. This will have to be taken into account during counselling. "A holistic approach to counselling covering all spheres of life is more satisfactory than an offer to help individuals cope almost exclusively with the immediate group experience. This is the only way to give advice and guidance to those who seek it in the context of their real social and biographical situation, setting aside personal or social stereotypes or projections against religious fringe groups". 126 ) Beate Roderigo arrives at a basically similar conclusion in her report on the "Qualification of Counsellors in the Sensitive Field of So-called Sects and Psychogroups: Criteria and Strategies". which was also prepared on behalf of the Enquete Commission. Moreover, she points out that it is usually essential to have good knowledge of the special situation prevailing in religious and ideological communities. This is also emphasised in the report prepared by the Informations- und Beratungsdienst des Referates für Sekten-und Weltanschauungsfragen im Bistum Aachen (Information and Counselling Service for Sects and Ideological Issues of the Diocese of Aachen). However, it is also pointed out that "the effort required to enable counsellors to give sound advice on ideological issues would be unreasonable, relative to the expected demand for such advice". 127 ) We therefore recommend that psychological counselling on new religious and ideological movements should be incorporated in the overall psychosocial counselling system. There should be close co-operation with experts who have the necessary background knowedge of religion, esoterics and "psychogroups". 128 ) In this connection, the counselling centres of the Churches would also have an important role to play. We also feel that it is necessary to make a clear distinction between counselling and information in the services offered. As far as the assessment of new religious and ideological movements is concerned, the advice given must be neutral. We disagree on principle with granting state aid to private information centres. Where the government considers it necessary to inform the public on the subject of new religious and ideological communities, this must only be done on government's responsibility. We do not consider it justifiable either politically or legally to delegate these tasks and the responsibility they involve to private institutions. Any information on religious communities given by government must be against the background of the fundamental right to exercise religion undisturbed. Such work demands special care and responsibility. It must not, therefore, be delegated to private information centres. 6. Self-supervision instead of an Act on Life-counselling Services Last year, the Bundesrat introduced a bill on "commercial life counselling services". 129 ) This term refers to paid services designed to "identify or improve" an individual's psychological well-being or mental abilities. The proposed law is intended to prevent consumers from hastily entering agreements with detrimental effects. Moreover, it aims to protect the users of such services against the "abuse of techniques by which their awareness, mind and personality can be manipulated". It is assumed that this law on psychological assistance and counselling will apply to private service providers such as therapists, yoga and meditation teachers, astrologists, painting and colour therapists, kinesiologists and staff trainers. Physicians, psychiatrists, non-medical practitioners, adult education centres and the major Churches do not fall within the scope of the law. This appears to be the case even if they use the same methods as the above private service providers. The German Federal Government 130 ) and the Protestant and Catholic Churches 131 ) as well as the service providers 132 ) concerned have issued statements criticising the above initiative by the Bundesrat. We share this criticism and reject any legislation in the field of for-profit life counselling. As far as we are informed, there is as yet no evidence that "abuse of manipulative techniques" and the conclusion of agreements detrimental to the user are characteristic of the field of private counselling and psychological assistance. In connection with a parliamentary question submitted by the parliamentary group of Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, the German Federal Government stated that it did not know the nature and the scope of any damage caused by commercial life-counselling services. 133 ) In a survey carried out on behalf of the Enquete Commission on "So-called Sects and Psychogroups". more than 80 percent of the users of unconventional methods of healing and life counselling stated that they were satisfied with the methods used. These findings are confirmed by studies in various other countries. 134 ) We feel that it is problematic that the present bill would result in a "two-class" law: Government and the established Churches would enjoy a privileged status in competition with private counselling centres and religious minorities. 135 ) Services that might well be identical or similar in practice would be subject to different contractual provisions. It is not convincing to argue that the centres run by the established Churches and by Government are non-profit-making or charitable by definition, whereas private providers and religious minorities are generally suspected of pursuing chiefly unfair material objectives. 136 ) We also share the objection that the Bundesrat's bill does not adequately define the agreements to which the present draft of a special law should apply. Nor is it possible to distinguish between respectable and unscrupulous providers. The proposed provisions with regard to the right to rescind or revoke agreements would make it unreasonably difficult for the providers to plan their services properly. In principle, we concur with the objective of the Bundesrat's initiative, i.e. to prevent consumers and individuals who seek help from signing hasty and detrimental agreements. However, we feel that the proposed special law is an unsuitable instrument to achieve this objective. We therefore suggest that the service providers in the "psychomarket" should develop their own quality standards through their associations or professional organisations and that they should agree on ethical standards, where this has not yet been done. 137 ) 7. Publication of expert reports and research findings We appeal to the German Bundestag to publish the expert reports and the findings of research carried out on behalf of the Enquete Commission on "So-called Sects and Psychogroups" at the same time as the Commission's Final Report. It must also be ensured that they are up to scientific standards in terms of quotations. The expert reports and research findings concerned are listed below:
NOTES: 4 ) Bundestag Doc. 13/4477, p. 3. 5) Bundestag Doc. 13/4477, p. 3. 6 ) The question of whether the Scientology Organisation should be classified as a new religious or ideological movement, a psychogroup or an ordinary commercial enterprise was not answered conclusively. 7) The representatives of the Scientology Organisation and of Verein für psychologische Menschenkenntnis (VPM) attended the hearings but were not willing to answer questions. 8 ) These were applications for injunctions brought against private counselling centres. 9 ) The expert reports and research reports were as follows: Beratungsienst für Sekten- und Weltanschauungsragen beim Bischöflichen Generalvikariat Aachen: Beratungsbedarf und auslösende Konflikte im Fallbestand einer sogenannten Sektenberatung anhand von Fallkategorien und Verlaufsschemata; Gladigow, B.: "Durch welche Merkmale läût sich religiöse Abhängigkeit bestimmen?"; Hellmeiter, G.; Fach, W.: "Evaluation des Anbieter- und Verbrauchermarktes bei Psyhotechniken, Psychomarkt und Esoterikszene"; Murken, S.: "Soziale und psychiche Auswirkungen der Mitgliedschaft in neuen religiösen Bewegungen unter besondeer Berücksichtigung der sozialen Integration und psychischen Gesundheit"; Roderigo, B.: "Zur Qualifizierung von Beratungsarbeit im Spannungsfeld sogenannter Sekten und Psychogruppen: Kriterien und Strategien"; Streib, H.; Fuchs-Heinritz. W.; Schöll, A. and Veeser, W.: "Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte -- kontrastive biographische Analysen zu Einmündung, Karriere, Verbleib und Ausstieg in bzw. aus religiös-weltanschaulichen Milieus oder Gruppen." 10 ) Under Art. 56 of its Rules of Procedure (GO-BT), the German Bundestag herewith establishes an enquete commission to deal with the problems associated with new religious and ideological movements, so-called sects and psychogroups. (Bundestag Doc. 13/4477, p. 3). 11 ) Cf. the Interim Report of the Enquete Commission, pp. 33-36 (German Bundestag, 13th legislative period, Doc. 13/8170 dated 7 July 1997). 12 ) The questionnaire is shown on p. 109 f of the Interim Report of the Enquete Commission. 13 ) Meditation, spiritual training, energy work, life-counselling courses etc. are usually offered by individuals or institutions that do not belong to a new religious movement. It is also for this reason that most of the respondents were unable to answer the question as to which group had organised this event or courses. More than two-thirds gave no answer. 14 ) The following figures were taken from statistics published by Materialdienst der Evangelischen Zentralstelle für Weltanschauungsfragen (Materialdienst der EZW, 1998, No. 4, pp. 125-127). 15 ) In addition, there are various Protestant Free Churches; these are, however, not usually regarded as new religious movements. 16 ) The information on Universal Life, the Osho Movement, Ananda Marga, Brahma Kumaris and Holosophische Gesellschaft are based on the statistics Religionsgemeinchaften in Deutschland: Mitgliederzahlen des Religionsissenschaftlichen Medien- und Informationsdienstes (REMID), published on the Internet. 17 ) Prepared by Dr Sebastian Murken. The following quotations are taken from the unpublished manuscript. 18 ) Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte. Kontrastive Analysen zu Einmünung, Karriere, Ver- bleib und Ausstieg in bzw. aus neureligiösen und weltanschaulichen Milieus und Gruppen sowie radikalen christlichen Gruppen der ersten Generation, by Prof. Dr Werner Fuchs-Heinritz, Dr Albrecht Schöll, Prof. Heinz Streib, Ph.D. and pastor Wilfried Veeser. The quotations are taken from the unpublished individual reports and the "Summary and Introduction" for which the four authors are jointly responsible. 19 ) Prepared by Informations- und Beratungsdienst des Referates für Sekten- und Weltanschauungsfragen im Bistum Aachen. (Authors: H. Herbert Busch, Dr Hermann-Josef Beckers and Detlev Poweleit). Quotations from the unpublished report (March 1998). 20 ) Bundestag Doc. 13/8170. 21 ) "Entry pathway" (Einstieg) and "exit" (Ausstieg) are the terms commonly used in the German public debate to describe the conversion to or the exit from a new religious movement. Hence, the German Bundestag's decision to establish the Enquete Commission also speaks of "entry pathways"; this is why the term is mentioned here. 22 ) Fuchs-Heinritz, W., Schöll, A., Streib, H., Veeser, W.: Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte..., Zusammenfassende Darstellung und Einleitung, p. 6 of the unpublished report. 23 ) Ibid., p. 3. 24 ) Informations- und Beratungsdienst des Referates für Sekten- und Weltanschauungsfragen im Bistum Aachen: Beratungsbedarf und auslösende Konflikte..., p.. 11, cf. also p. 32. 25 ) Ibid., p. 25. 26 ) Ibid., p. 31. 27 ) Murken, S.: Soziale und psychische Auswirkungen der Mitgliedschaft..., p. 30. 28 ) Ibid., p. 31. 29 ) Ibid., p. 30. 30 ) Informations- und Beratungsdienst des Referates für Sekten- und Weltanschauungsfragen im Bistum Aachen: Beratungsbedarf und auslösende Konflikte..., p. 33. 31 ) Informationsund Beratungsdienst des Referates für Sekten- und Weltanschauungsfragen im Bistum Aachen: Beratungsbedarf und auslösende Konflikte..., p. 10. 32 ) Fuchs-Heinritz, W., Schöll, A., Streib, H., Veeser, W: Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte..., Zusammenfassende Darstellung und Einleitung, p. 3 of the unpublished report. 33 ) Schöll, A.: Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte kontrastive Analyse zu Einmündung, Karriere, Verbleib und Ausstieg in bzw. aus fernöstlichen Gruppen, Bewegungen und Organisationen (unpublished report), p. 55. 34 ) Ibid., p. 56. 35 ) Ibid., p. 57. 36 ) Ibid., p. 56. 37 ) Murken, S.: Soziale und psychische Auswirkungen der Mitgliedschaft..., p. 36. 38 ) Ibid., p. 37. 39 ) Fuchs-Heinritz, W., Schöl, A.l, Streib, H., Veeser, W.: Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte..., Zusammenfassende Darstellung und Einleitung, p. 3 of the unpublished report. 40 ) Informations- und Beratungsdienst des Referates für Sekten- und Weltanschauungsfragen im Bistum Aachen: Beratungsbedarf und auslösende Konflikte..., p. 31. 41 ) Veeser, W.: Empirische Forschungsarbeit für die Enquete-Kommission "Sogenannte Sekten und Psychogruppen" zum Thema "Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte -- kontrastive Analysen zu Einmündung, Verbleib und Ausstieg in bzw. aus radikalen christlichen Gruppen der ersten Generation". Quoted from the unpublished report, p. 52. 42 ) Streib, H.: Abschluûbericht über das empirische Forschungsprojekt: Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte. Kontrastive Analysen zu Einmündung, Karriere, Verbleib und Ausstieg in bzw. aus neureligiösen und weltanschaulichen Milieus und Gruppen sowie radikalen christlichen Gruppen der ersten Generation mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Milieus und Organisation christlich-fundamentalistischer Prägung. Quoted from the unpublished report, p. 5. As an example of this type, Streib describes a case where an individual passed through, inter alia, the following groups and milieus in the course of 20 years: meditation groups; a Bhagwan group; a bioenergetics group; a sensitivity group; psychological therapy; Scientology; a Protestant charismatic group (p. 29). 43 ) Murken, S.: Soziale und psychische Auswirkungen..., p. 36. 44 ) Former members of the Scientology Organisation reported to the Enquete Commission that force had been used in an attempt to prevent them from leaving. However, it must be emphasised once again that Scientology is not classified as a new religious movement in this context and that Scientology is dealt with in greater detail below. 45 ) "The high level of fluctuation in NRMs with relatively short terms of membership that is reported by nearly all authors contradicts the assumption that once members have been drawn into the organisation, they are no longer able to free themselves by their own efforts." (Murken: Soziale und psychische Auswirkungen der Mitgliedschaft..., p. 47). 46 ) Murken, S.: Soziale und psychische Auswirkungen der Mitgliedschaft..., p. 25. 47 ) Fuchs-Heinritz, W., Schöll, A., Streib, H., Veeser, W.: Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte..., Zusammenfassende Darstellung und Einleitung, p. 3 of the unpublished report. 48 ) Cf. Murken: Soziale und psychische Auswirkungen der Mitgliedschaft..., p. 47. 49 ) Informations- und Beratungsdienst des Referates für Sekten- und Weltanschauungsfragen im Bistum Aachen: Beratungsbedarf und auslösende Konflikte..., p. 11, cf. also. p. 31. 50 ) Ibid., Kurzdarstellung der Ergebnisse, points 9 and 10. 51 ) Murken, S.: Soziale und psychische Auswirkungen der Mitgliedschaft..., p. 39. 52 ) Ibid, p. 40. 53 ) Ibid, p. 47. 54 ) Attention should be drawn in this context to an empirical study that was not prepared on behalf of the Commission but which was carried out and evaluated with the involvement of a member of the Commission: Zinser, H., Schwarz, G., Remus, B.: Psychologische Aspekte neuer Formen der Religiosität. Tübingen 1997. Some of the findings which had not been expected by the authors are mentioned below: "The random sample of esoterics and adherents of new religious movements is more satisfied with life than the total sample of non-religious and traditionally religious individuals. [...] The sample of esoterics and followers of new religious movements is more achievement-oriented than that of the non-religious persons. Least achievement orientation is found in the sample of traditionally religious persons. [...]The random sample of esoterics and adherents of new religious movements is less inhibited and less aggressive than the sample of the non-religious and traditionally religious persons. [...] Physical complaints are reported less often in the sample of esoterics and adherents of new religious movements than in the sample of non-religious and traditionally religious persons" (p. 40 f.). Although the authors admit that the above differences are not statistically significant because the samples are too small, the results are certainly plausible against the background of other studies. 55 ) Murken S.: Soziale und psychische Auswirkungen der Mitgliedschaft ..., pp. 42-44, quotation from p. 44. 56 ) Streib, H.: Abschluûbericht über das empirische Forschungsprojekt: Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte. Kontrastive Analysen zu Einmündung, Karriere, Verbleib und Ausstieg in bzw. aus neureligiösen und weltanschaulichen Milieus und Gruppen sowie radikalen christlichen Gruppen der ersten Generation mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Milieus und Organisation christlich-fundamentalistischer Prägung. Quoted from the unpublished report, p. 8. 57 ) Murken, S.: Soziale und psychische Auswirkungen der Mitgliedschaft..., p. 41. 58 ) Murken, S.: Soziale und psychische Auswirkungen der Mitgliedschaft..., p. 25. 59 ) "The attempt to obtain an objective overview of the problems and conflicts inevitably leads to the conclusion that these are not caused solely by the groups that are collectively termed `sects'. On the contrary, the expression "Spannungsfeld" (dichotomy) indicates that there is a dynamic process between two poles." (Roderigo, B.: Gutachten Zur Qualifizierung von Beratungsarbeit im Spannungsfeld sogenannter Sekten und Psychoguppen: Kriterien und Strategien im Auftrag der Enquete-Kommission "Sogenannte Sekten und Psychogruppen" des Deutschen Bundestages, April 1998, p. 5, emphasised in the original text). 60 ) Veeser, W.: Empirische Forschungsarbeit für die Enquete-Kommission "Sogenannte Sekten und Psychogruppen" zum Thema "Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte kontrastive Analysen zu Einmündung, Verbleib und Ausstieg in bzw. aus radikalen christlichen Gruppen der ersten Generation." Quoted from the unpublished report, p. 6. 61 ) Ibid. 62 ) Fuchs-Heinritz, W., Schöll, A., Streib, H., Veeser, W.: Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Über- zeugte..., Zusammenfassende Darstellung und Einleitung, p. 4, note 3. 63 ) An overview of the problems that arise for parents when their children convert to a new religious movement and the different ways of reacting is provided by Barker, E.: New religious movements. A practical introduction. Lonon 1995 (5th revised edition), pp. 93 -- 100. 64 ) Schöll, A.: Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte kontrastive Analyse zu Einmündung, Karriere, Verbleib und Ausstieg in bzw. aus fernöstlichen Gruppen, Bewegungen und Organisationen (unpublished report), p. 49. 65 ) There is one substantiated case, however, in connection with Scientology, although this case is not relevant in the present context because we are only considering "new religious movements" as defined by the Commission. Scientology is dealt with in a separate chapter below. 66 ) Statement presented by the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, working document 13/289. 67 ) This is also confirmed by the survey among industry associations initiated by the Enquete Commission. 68 ) Jehovah's Witnesses, for example, are said to achieve an annual profit of DM 144 million through printing and selling books and magazines (Eimuth, K.-H.: "Sekten als Wirtschaftsunternehmen" in: Christ, A.; Goldner, S. (ed.): Sekten in der Wirtschaft. Wie man sich vor Scientology schützen kann. Frankfurt/Main, no date, p. 45. Apart from the major Churches, other religious communities do not achieve anything like such a turnover because of their much smaller number of members. 69 ) The wording of the questions in the following chapters is largely taken from the German Bundestag's decision to establish the Commission. Cf. Bundestag Doc. 13/4477, p. 3. 70 ) Informations- und Beratungsdienst des Referates für Sekten- und Weltanschauungsfragen im Bistum Aachen: Beratungsbedarf und auslösende Konflikte..., Kurzdarstellung der Ergebnisse, Point 14. 71 ) Fuchs-Heinritz, W., Schöll, A., Streib, H., Veeser, W.: Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte..., Zusammenfassende Darstellung und Einleitung, p. 2. 72 ) Ibid. 73 ) Ibid. 74 ) Obst, H.: Auûerkirchliche religiöse Protestbewegungen der Neuzeit. Berlin 1990, p. 20. 75 ) Cf. Obst, H.: Apostel und Propheten der Neuzeit. Gründer christliher Religionsemeinchaften des 19./20. Jahrunderts. Berlin 1990; Gäbler, U.: "Aufertehungszeit". Erweckungsprediger des 19. Jahrhunderts. Munich 1991; Linse, U.: Barfüûige Propheten. Erlöser der zwanziger Jahre. Berlin 1983. 76 ) Murken, S.: Soziale und psychische Auswirkungen der Mitgliedschaft..., p. 46. 77 ) An overview of recruitment methods is given by R. Stark and W. S. Bainridge, "Networks and Faith: Interpersonal Bond and Recruitment to Cults and Sects". in: ibid., The Future of Religion, Berkeley 1985, pp. 307-324. 78 ) Hellmeister, G. and Fach, W.: Anbieter und Verbraucher auf dem Psychomarkt. Eine empirische Analyse. Eine empirische Analyse im Auftrag der Enquete-Kommission "Sog. Sekten und Psychogruppen". unpublished manuscript, pp. 3-5. 79 ) Cf. ibid., p. 10 f. 80 ) Ibid., p. 5 81 ) According to the REMID statistics. 82 ) According to findings of the Hamburg Office for the Protection of the Constitution, the organisation's membership is "well below 10,000". (Reuter, 10 April 1998 - 10:54). 83 ) Fuchs-Heinritz, W., assisted by Kolvenbach, R. and Heinritz, Ch.: Bericht über das Teilprojekt "Psychokulte/Esoterik" im Forschungsprojekt "Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte -- Kontrastive Analysen zu Einmündung, Karriere, Verbleib und Ausstieg in bzw. aus «neureligiösen» und weltanschaulichen Milieus oder Gruppen", carried out on behalf of the German Bundestag's Enquete Commission on "So-called Sects and Psychogroups", 31 December 1997, unpublished. 84 ) Ibid., pp. 7-11 with brief outline. 85 ) Ibid., p. 12. 86 ) Ibid., p. 59. 87 ) Ibid., p. 60. 88 ) Ibid., p. 11. 89 ) Ibid., p. 60. 90 ) Ibid., p. 57. 91 ) Bundestag Doc. 13/4477, p. 3, Section III.1. 92 ) For example, by representatives of Transcendental Meditation and Landmark at the hearings. 93 ) Bundestag Doc. 13/4477, p. 3, Section III.2. 94 ) Bundestag Doc. 13/4477, p. 3. 95 ) About one-third of the inquiries addressed at the Informations und Beratungszentrum Sekten/Psychokulte (IDZ) in Cologne in 1997 were concerned with Scientology. Roderio, B.: Gutachten "Zur Qualifizierung von Beratungsarbeit im Spannungsfeld sogenannter Sekten und Psychogruppen: Kriterien und Strategien" im Auftrag der Enquete Kommission "Sog. Sekten und Psychogruppen" des Deutschen Bundestages. Unpublished. April 1997, p. 25. 96 ) Report on the Protection of the Constitution, 1997, p. 183. 97 ) Bundestag Doc. 13/4477, p. 3, Point III.2. 98 ) Wallis, R.: The road to total freedom: A sociological analysis of Scientology. London, 1976, pp. 166-171. As regards the processes of conversion and membership, cf. also Whitehead, H.: Renunciation and reformulation: A study of conversion in an American sect. Ithaca, NY, 1987. 99 ) Cf. Nitsche, E.: Alptraum Scientology. Berlin 1995; Dönz, M.: Im Netz von Scientology verstrickt ... und wie es mir gelang, mich zu befreien. Frankfurt/Main 1994. 100 ) See, for example: Die Scientology-Organisation -- Gefahren, Ziele und Praktiken. Published by the Federal Administrative Office, Cologne, on behalf of the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth Affairs. 3rd revised edition, undated; Ministry of the Interior of the State of North-Rhine Westphalia (ed.): Scientology -- eine Gefahr für die Demokratie. Eine Aufgabe für den Verfassungsschutz? Düsseldorf 1996. 101 ) Report on the Protection of the Constitution, 1997, pp. 183 -- 186. 102 ) "Hamburg warnt vor Scientology-Geheimdienst". Reuter, 10 April 1998 - 10:54. 103 ) Platthaus, A.: "Kapitalismus als Religion". Article in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 24 October 1997. 104 ) Christ, A. and Goldner, St.: Scientology im Management. Düsseldorf 1996, pp. 98 and 96. 105 ) A survey carried out on this subject in 1996 among all the members of the Bund der Selbständigen (Federation of Self-Employed Persons) in Baden-Württemberg resulted in a feedback of 1.4 percent. This cannot be regarded as a statistically viable random sample. Cf. Schenk, R.: Unterwanderung durch Scientology: Schutzmaûnahmen für Unternehen. Published by Bund der Selbständigen Baden-Württemberg e.V., Stuttgart 1997. 106 ) Cf. Kerner, H.-J. et al.: Statusgutachten "Gefährdungspotentiale von Scientoloy" (abridged version), Institute of Criminology of the University of Tübingen, no date (1997), p. 71 f. 107 ) Cf. also AFP of 4 July 1997 - 14:13: "Wissenschaftler: Scientology hat Strafager in USA und England". 108 ) Cf. Prokop, O. and Wimmer, W.: Der moderne Okkultismus. Parapsychologie und Paramedizin, Magie und Wissenschaft im 20. Jahrhundert. 2nd edition, Stuttgart 1987. 109 ) Cf. Faivre, A.: Access to Western Esotericism. New York, State University Press, 1994. 110 ) On contemporary forms of Satanism, see Introvigne, M. and Türk, E.: Satanismus. Zwischen Sensation und Wirklichkeit. Freiburg, Herder, 1995. 111 ) Landeskriminalamt Nordrhein-Westfalen: Sonderauswertung "Okkultismus/Satanismus" Hintergründe, Straftaten, Bewertung. April 1995, p. 40 f. 112 ) Statement presented by the Criminal Office of Investigation of the State of Baden-Württemberg, on 30 June 1997, (Doc. 13/0163), p. 4. 113 ) Cf. the German Bundestag's decision to establish the Commission, Bundestag Doc. 13/4477, p. 3. 114 ) For details, see Chapters 5.3.3 and 5.3.4 of the Report adopted by the majority of the Commission members, to which we refer in this connection. 115 ) German Bundestag's decision to establish the Commission, Bundestag Doc. 13/4477, p. 3. 116 ) Bundestag Doc. 13/4477, p. 3. 117 ) Veeser, W.: Empirische Forschungsarbeit für die Enquete-Kommission "Sogenannte Sekten und Psychogruppen" zum Thema "Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte -- kontrastive Analysen zu Einmündung, Verbleib und Ausstieg in bzw. aus radikalen christlichen Gruppen der ersten Generation." Quoted from the unpublished report, p. 38. 118 ) We refer to the known cases in other countries, in particular the Sun Temple group, Heaven's Gate and Aum Shinrikyo. There are press reports of cases in Germany in which physical force was used in connection with exorcism. 119 ) Informations- und Beratungsdienst des Referates für Sekten- und Weltanschauungsfragen im Bistum Aachen: Beratungsbedarf und auslösende Konflikte....Kurzdarstellung der Ergebnisse, Point 10. 120 ) Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte. Kontrastive Analysen zu Einmündung, Karriere, Verbleib und Ausstieg in bzw. aus neureligiösen und weltanschaulichen Milieus und Gruppen sowie radikalen christlichen Gruppen der ersten Generation, by Prof. Dr Werner Fuchs-Heinritz, Dr Albrecht Schöll, Prof. Heinz Streib, Ph.D. and pastor Wilfried Veeser. 121 ) Murken, S.: Soziale und psychische Auswirkungen der Mitgliedschaft in neuen religiösen Bewegungen unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der sozialen Integration und psychischen Gesundheit. 122 ) Bundestag Doc. 13/4477, p. 1. 123 ) The following information is based on a description provided by Hans Gasper, one of the expert members of the Enquete Commission on "So-called Sects and Psychogroups". 124 ) In Hesse, a "round table" is currently being prepared, consisting of representatives of the Protestant Academy, the Study Group on Ideological Questions of the Protestant Church in Hesse-Nassau, theologians and religious scholars, and a sociologist. It is proposed to hold discussions with groups including Jehovah's Witnesses, the Mormons and the Hare Krishna movement. Cf. Huth, F.: Beratungsbedarf im Umfeld von religiösen und weltanschaulichen Gemeinschaften unter besonderer Berücksichtigung professioneller Anforderungen an die Beratung, Gutachten für die Bundestagsfraktion Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, March 1998, p. 31. 125 ) United Nations Economic and Social Council, Commission on Human Rights, Fifty-fourth session. Item 18 of the provisional agenda, Implementation of the Declaration on the Elimination of all Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination based on Religion or Belief, Report submitted by Mr Abdelfattah Amor, Special Rapporteur, in accordance with Commission on Human Rights Resolution 1996/23, Addendum: Visit to Germany, 22 December 1997 (E/CN.4/1998/6/Add.2), p. 26. 126 ) Veeser, W.: Empirische Forschungsarbeit für die Enquete-Kommission "Sogenannte Sekten und Psychogruppen". Aussteiger, Konvertierte und Überzeugte, Projetkteil I: Attraktivität radikaler christlicher Gruppen der ersten Generation, p. 54 127 ) Beratungsbedarf und auslösende Konflikte im Fallbestand einer sog. Sektenberatung anhand von Fallkategorien und Verlaufsschemata, p. 49. 128 ) For details, cf. Huth, F.: Beratungsbedarf im Umfeld von religiösen und weltanchaulichen Gemeinchaften unter besonderer Berücksichtigung professioneller Anforderungen..., ibid., and Roderigo, B.: Zur Qualifizierung von Beratungsarbeit im Spannungsfeld sogenannter Sekten und Psychoruppen: Kriterien und Strategien; Gutachten im Auftrag der Enquete Commission "Sogenannte Sekten und Psychogruppen". 1998. 129 ) Bill concerning contracts in the field of commercial life-counselling services. Bundesrat bill, Doc. 351/97 of 19 December 1997. 130 ) Cf. Sonderregeln für "gewerbliche Lebensberatung" sind kontraproduktiv! Petition organised by the magazines represented in Interessengemeinschaft Lebenskunst. No date. 131 ) Cf. statement presented by the German Federal Government, dated 27 January 1998, on the Bundesrat's bill concerning contracts in the field of commercial life-counselling services. 132 ) Cf. provisional joint declaration by the authorised representative of the Protestant Church Council to the Federal Republic of Germany, the European Community and the Commission of the German Bishops on the bill governing the legal relationship between providers and potential clients in the field of commercial life-counselling services. No date. (This statement refers to the first Bundesrat Doc. 351/97 dated 13 May 1997.) 133 ) Cf. reply by the German Federal Government to the written question submitted by Angelika Köster-Lössack, MP, and the parliamentary group of BÜNDNIS 90/Die Grünen: Consumer protection in the field of commercial life-counselling services (psychomarket). Doc. 13/9100 dated 18 November 1997, p. 6. 134 ) Hellmeister, G.; Fach, W.: Anbieter und Verbraucher auf dem Psychomarkt. Unpublished empirical analysis carried out on behalf of the Enquete Commission on "So-called Sects and Psychogroups". Unpublished report, pp. 10 and 23f. 135 ) Besier, G.: Religionsgesetze durch die Hintertür. Wie Staat und Kirchen den Psychomarkt aufräumen möchten. Focus of 11 August 1997. 136 ) It is controversial whether the provisions of the law should or should not apply to the established Churches. The latter also frequently offer their counselling services "for payment". Cf. the provisional joint statement by the Protestant Church Council ..., ibid., p. 1. 137 ) Some providers such as Gesellschaft der Lehrer der F.M. Alexander-Technik e.V., (G.L.A.T.), which apply a bodywork method, have already come to an agreement on professional ethical guidelines. Cf. Berufsethische Richtlinien der G.L.A.T., Freiburg, as amended on 14 July 1996. The magazines represented in Interessengemeinschaft Lebenskunst have stated that they "support every effort made by alternative and independent therapists, healers, teachers and life-counsellors to establish associations and prevent abuse and improper counselling by introducing their own statutes and rules". Cf. Sonderregeln für gewerbliche Lebensberatung sind kontraproduktiv! ..., loc. cit., p. 2. _______________ Librarian's Comment: * See The Fable -- Hollywood, Satanism, Scientology & Suicide, by Anonymous
|