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FINAL REPORT OF THE ENQUETE COMMISSION ON "SO-CALLED SECTS AND PSYCHOGROUPS" |
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Annex The following summary of the research project has been authorised by the researchers: What the results of the four sub-projects have in common:
The current status of evaluation is that for each milieu examined a typology of biographies could be drawn up which revealed, on internal comparison, the variety of biographies and biographical reasons for joining the group and the effects this had on later life. The next logical step would be a summarising comparison and contrasting of the reconstructed biographical typologies without dividing them by milieu. The current status of evaluation does, however, clearly limit this undertaking. 2 ) For example, all four typologies refer to the biographical process structures, but highlight specific dimensions which are used to compile the typology. Thus, while all the dimensions appear in each typology, 3 ) we do not always find the same dimensions in the foreground guiding the categorisation. The sub-project on fundamentalist Christian trends distinguishes between three types according to various forms of entry pathway, access and adaptation. The sub-project on esoteric psychocultic milieus also focuses attention on the types of access. The sub-project dealing with Far-Eastern milieus differentiates the types by looking at the relationship between the individual and practical autonomy in his/her life. The typology for devotees of fringe Christian groups is derived from the fit between biography, life-theme and group and the measure of flexibility or focusedness shown by the group. As a result of these varying approaches, it is not yet possible to devise a typology that embraces all the groups. It would be important to investigate whether there are specific biographies or types of people entering who only appear in the one milieu or if specific milieus focus most attention on certain life-themes. This would be an important element in a well-founded differentiation between varying manifestations of new religious and ideological milieus. Some indications exist: the "traditionalist" is a type found only in the fundamentalist Christian milieu. One needs to examine whether this stems from religious traditions that occur in the this form above all in the context of Christian milieus, and whether this does not, or not yet, apply to other milieus with little tradition. The type of person seeking a retreat into symbiotic communities of the like-minded with cyclical religiousness is only found in the Far-Eastern milieu. Further investigation is needed to see whether such symbiotic, inclusiveness-seeking life-themes are to be found in this milieu rather than in the others and if they structure the motivation to join. Amongst the people characterised by the milieu typologies -- as has already been mentioned -- there are also those who stand for a "more open", "more productive" and "transformational" approach to the groups with their corresponding biographies and processes; e.g. the accumulative heretic, the curiosity-driven, eager to learn type, looking at the different forms one may adopt for autonomous living, perhaps by acting as opposing voice in a group situation or distancing oneself with the help of a contrary, alternative system of values from that felt to be heteronomous at an early stage of life (childhood, adolescence). Open questions and further need for research In addition to these notes putting the results into perspective, questions remain open even though the findings of the sub-projects are now available. It is obvious that the method used, namely biographical reconstruction, does not provide any information about the internal reality, the interactive, social reality of groups and milieus or their management and organisation (e.g. in the psychocultic field). The sub-projects shed some light on which groups are more closed or more open, the varying possibilities for achieving a fit between life-themes and the community in question, 4 ) and mention is made for the Far-Eastern milieu of changes in certain groups. The overall conclusion is, however, that these are not statements about the reality within the groups but statements on how groups and milieus can appear from the perspective of varying biographies and against the background of varying life-themes and on the relevance they have for processes in an individual life. However, this does provide insights into the variety of ways the groups are experienced, depending on biographical background and which heterogeneous experiences may be made in the groups and milieus, depending upon the biographical background. It would be very helpful to start further research at this point to examine the groups and milieus in interaction field studies and to correlate these with the biographical studies. Above all this would be a significant contribution towards answering the question of the connection between manipulation and influence exercised by the groups and the biographical themes and individual resources in the context of biographical processes. On this point -- although the manipulation theory has been put into perspective -- the findings from the biographical reconstructions are not by themselves conclusive. It would also be very helpful to investigate further the specifics of biographical and life-theme backgrounds for the new religious or ideological milieus and psychogroups. The clear conclusion from examining these people's passage through life that there is no general "sect-prone personality" or "biography" might be further investigated and validated by conducting surveys of biographies in milieus whose religious or ideological views are at a distance or far removed from each other for maximum contrast. II. Sub-project on the "Attraction of Radical Christian Groups of the First Generation" Dipl.-Theologe Wilfried Veeser, pastor of the official Protestant Church in Württemberg What follows is a short summary of the main topics and findings of the comprehensive research report. The summary is in four parts:
The starting point for the researchers' remit was the question: what motivates people or which structures recognisably rooted in the biography and personality of the person are behind the urge to commit oneself to "radical Christian groups" of the first generation, to feel at home in the group or to leave it again? That leads to the next question: what dominates while the bond is being forged or acculturation is taking place -- manipulative action patterns on the part of the groups, or specific attitudes of these persons, so that the commitment or sense of being at home may be regarded as a largely autonomous attempt to solve problems, or as a process of socialisation etc? To obtain reliable answers to these and comparable questions, the Enquete Commission formulated the remit named in the joint introduction to the four research projects. Based on information obtained from several Church and state-run offices for matters of life philosophy, various first-generation groups on the fringes of the established Church which had been judged "radical" were approached with the request for people to interview for the research project. Very few of the groups rejected the request outright. Most of them were very willing to co-operate. Thus at an early stage one had the impression that the "radical" label on the groups was not to be seen in terms of black and white, at least not on the level of personal contacts and the experience of the members. The qualitative interviews that followed with members and staff of these groups confirmed this impression, in particular for some of the Pentecostal/charismatic groups. The initial analysis of the interviews conducted in the milieu did not point to excessively manipulative group processes or major areas of conflict. Further interviews were conducted with members of those groups who still appeared extreme by the end of the preliminary stage. From the data thus obtained, a total of six insider interviews was selected for in-depth evaluation. These subjects (TP) came from two groups with a strong focus on sanctification who showed no "openness to ecumenism" 5 ) on the question of dealings with Christians from other denominations (type-A community, type-D community). The researchers also succeeded on making contact with six people who had left these groups and interviewed them. The six respondents in the control group came from communities with governmental or Free Church attributes and a clearly discernible "openness to ecumenism". In addition, the Personality Structure Test (PST) of M. Dieterich (1997) was conducted with each respondent, so that it was possible to include the structures identified as contextual knowledge when contrasting and analysing the interview data (see Overview on page 380). 7) We would like to thank the following persons for their cooperation in this project:
In addition to the comments made on methodology in the common section of the four research projects, special attention is paid below to the "psychological personality test". When the authors decided to add an empirical method to measure the personality structures of the respondents, the following question needed to be answered: Which quantitative test method to determine the personality structure of a person is so wide in scope that it can differentiate between alterable and unalterable aspects? Another feature required of these instruments was that when they are applied to biographically identifiable structures, such as may be expected in the context of conversion and deconversion, they neither put a static straightjacket on the findings nor impose a paradigm on the interpretation of the qualitative interviews. The chosen procedure was the multi-phase test developed by M. Dieterich (Personality Structure Test [PST] 1997), which distinguishes three different levels of personality structures (differentiated according to the extent to which they can be altered) while including existing and proven empirical instruments to measure personality. The differentiation on three levels of personality permits one to make statements on the stability of the various personality structures. One could thus expect to see and prove the existence of these structures to varying degrees in the biographical accounts. The structures act as more or less constant, transformable or alterable life-themes, which interact with the current social context. Dieterich describes the following personality dimensions (1997, 46ff, 72ff, 138ff): When describing an individual's personality structure, Dieterich distinguishes between the character traits, the basic structure and the deep structure. In the figure shown, Dietrich uses a model with three concentric rings in order to illustrate his concept. The outer ring represents the character traits, i.e. that part of the personality which others can perceive, which characterises the person to the outside world and can make others like or dislike him/her. It is possible to work on these character traits, i.e. a targeted programme of betterment can change them (where necessary). The character traits can have emerged due to a given environment (job, family, etc.) or due to the influence of the "deeper" basic structure or even the deep structure. The second ring -- the so-called basic structure -- is not, by comparison with the character traits, directly visible, and its prominent features may greatly vary from the character traits. Indeed, it is quite possible that the character traits show a large degree of sociability, whereas the basic structure shows clear signs of introversion. The basic structure has usually developed over the course of the years and is therefore more stable than character traits. The deep structure gives an insight into the parts of the personality structure which were acquired in early childhood or have in part been inherited. This level is so stable that one should not try to change it. Here too it may be expressed in ways that clearly differ from the basic structure and the character traits. These differences often explain certain tensions in life, but they are perfectly normal. Dieterich borrowed from existing procedures to develop his Personality Structure Test.
It was to be expected that the biographical material might reflect concrete character traits in the context of an intense group relationship, which are, however, likely to have first developed during the process of conversion and acculturation. To the extent that a character trait which was already recognisable before the conversion had practical relevance as a life-theme it could undergo a change in the new social milieu. However, in the case of basic structures and above all of deep structures, one may reckon on them being evident throughout the person's life, although they may be transformed through interaction with the group, e.g. devotion and closeness in the deep structure manifest in varying social milieus as: close relationships with teachers and social work during school days, honorary posts in associations or social groups during adolescence and, after conversion in a Christian community, a strong commitment to works of Christian charity. Analysis of biographical interviews that did not include the empirically measurable personality structures as contextual knowledge have shown that these personality traits were, as a rule, nevertheless visible as life-themes. This removed one worry in respect of the methods, namely that by including the personality structure as determined by quantitative means, one might artificially introduce to the qualitative interview an interpretational paradigm that was not appropriate to the biographical reality. However, it turned out that the opposite was true: The inclusion of this contextual knowledge made the interpretations easier inasmuch as one could expect a priori such structures, which were then indeed found redundantly in several sequences. 2. Individual observations and findings Analyses of the biographical material and personality structure profiles for the three groups of respondents in the sphere of Christian communities lead to the conclusion -- beyond the specific manifestations of type -- that there is a dynamic model of fit which explains the processes that lead individuals to join and stay in groups, as well as the probability of individuals finding a spiritual home, the potential for conflict, and the fluctuation in Christian communities. It also became apparent, as more detailed, contrastive work was done, that there are no perceptible differences 7 ) in the biographies or personality structures of people in evangelical and charismatic/Pentecostal communities originating from the fringes or the mainstream of established Protestant/Free Church circles, but that, on the contrary, they reveal large similarities on the level of recognisable experience. True, varying processes may be observed for new entrants, drop-outs or stay-ins. The dynamics of these processes are, however, very similar for all of them. Based on these observations one might suppose that the model of fit presented here applies to all Christian communities and also perhaps -- at least in individual cases -- to other milieus with a religious or quasi- religious character. Focused, inflexible vs. open, flexible group: The terms "focused" and "open" and "inflexible" and "flexible" are used in this context to describe two dimensions of what a Christian community offers its members:
A group may be said to be very flexible or open if the profile of the group culture is barely perceptible or relatively open, i.e. characterised by competing ideas or if the group articulates its ideological claims but makes no effort to operationalise them or demand compliance from the individual. As a rule this means that different kinds of person, often with contradictory needs, may feel at home in this type of group, and that not all the structures need necessarily directly correspond with a specific profile (viz. the pluralism in the established Churches in theological terms and with regard to questions of expressions of faith). A group may be said to show little flexibility or to be focused if the group culture has a clearly recognisable, homogeneous and focused profile, i.e. not open to discussion for the religiously-minded person, operationalised in concrete directives on how to behave, and where departures from the system of the community standards are punished (pressure to conform). This type of group often makes a vigorous claim to absolute truth, with which it sets itself up as a the proclaimer of standards for "salvation". As a rule, this means that people with similar biographical and personality structures and needs feel at home because the group culture demands that a person become like the rest of the group (cf. demands to change one's "character", sleeping habits, social contacts, etc.). Close fit v loose fit: The term "fit" is used to describe the observed fact that people make their home in specific groups because of the large degree of congruence between the dominant elements in their biography or personality and the specific culture of the group. One may speak of a relative fit if, for those needs which are dictated by biography and personality but which do not directly fit into the group culture, a niche can nevertheless be found inside the group or in a system of relationships outside the group, where the member can adequately satisfy the needs of his individual make-up. The probability of finding a spiritual home. The probability of a person finding a spiritual home in a Christian community, i.e. his relatively permanent stay in this religious milieu, depends upon the closeness of the fit between his biographical and personality structures and the profile of the group. The closer the structures of the religiously-minded fit with a specific group culture, the longer he will stay, or, conversely, if the fit fails, he will break off the process of conversion and acculturation. One may look at this from the opposite angle; the closer the fit between group culture and the structures of the potential convert, the greater the probability that he/she will make their spiritual home in the group. This does not rule out other factors, which could also exert an influence on the probability of someone feeling at home in the group, e.g. the intellectual plausibility of the doctrine, the communicational skills or lack of them of the group leader, social incentives, such as being part of a familiar social milieu, professional and financial incentives, personal incentives (quite often erotic relationships are likely to be a factor, which could be classified as a biographical element), etc. However, it is assumed that fit in the sense described above is of central importance. Potential for conflict: By potential for conflict one means that, as the individual and the community interact, specific factors rooted in the group, the biography or personality of the individual can trigger internal or external conflicts of varying intensity which have a biographical relevance. On the one hand, a focused and inflexible group culture carries within it the seeds of potential for conflict due to its claim to absolute truth and/or pressure to make each person conform (see above). On the other hand the lack of fit between the biographical and personality structures of the individual and the group, despite the former being highly motivated to stay, can in the medium term lead to conflicts and deconversion processes. The more inflexible a community is and the poorer the fit with the individual, the easier it is for areas of conflict to arise, accompanied by processes of leaving the group. Fluctuation: Fluctuation means that although the "apparent" and initially attractive profile presented by a community (e.g. the promise that personal relationships will flourish in an environment that is subjectively felt to be alien) stimulates a fairly large number of people to seek further contact, the group's inflexibility means that only those people whose biography and personality provide a good fit find themselves at home in the group. The more inflexible (see above) a community is despite an outwardly missionary attitude, the more frequently acculturation processes fail, because the structures of group and individual do not fit. The result is greater fluctuation. Inflexible communities that engage in less missionary work may be supposed to rely more on internal growth (extended families as standard) and thus display relatively less fluctuation. In all likelihood, this has to do with the fact that socialisation processes of this kind mean that parts of group culture have become a firm structural element of the biography (cf. religion and specific expressions of faith as a lifetheme and standard).
2.2 The dominance of biographical structures and life-themes for all
interview groups 2.3 The search for the closest possible fit In all interview groups one may observe that there can be a history of multiple entries and conversions, differing acculturation processes, deconversions and religious re-orientations, until the individual respondent, in accordance with his/her biographical and personality structures and life-themes (of which they are usually unaware) finally achieves a large degree of correlation (fit) between himself and his needs on the one hand and the group culture on the other, such that he/she senses, feels, experiences and believes it. An analysis of the biographical interviews gives the impression that the person has been looking, experimenting and testing, until he finds a suitable fit, thus achieving identity in the widest sense, because the setting of the group provides the greatest degree of congruence and conformity with his own aims. From the perspective of the social scientist it would seem to be of secondary importance whether this fit is found in a religious or secular group. It is the observable processes of entry, staying in or leaving the group that seem to enable the person to process specific life-themes, lines of development and patterns of behaviour, to further or arrest them or to start quite new ones. The group usually acts as a kind of catalyst in this respect. 2.4 Manipulative group elements or evidential experiences seem to be secondary Manipulative elements would seem to be of secondary importance in the visible processes of interaction. They do indeed appear on the conscious plane e.g. in the context of deconversion processes as supporting arguments to justify one's action or inaction. However, for the actual decision-making process their role is rather subordinate. 8 ) This observation equally applies in reverse. Where the conversion and acculturation have been successful, the group's doctrine, a feeling of increased virtue, ethical claims and above all various evidential experiences, e.g. in the sense of spiritual experiences, play an important part on the conscious plane. In point of fact they often represent operationalisations, which confirm and bolster the needs of the latent structures or makes them possible in the first place and lets them develop. For example, service and devotion are highly prized in the system of values held by Christian communities. An exceptionally warm-hearted and altruistic person may, without realising it, and on the level of these interpretation structures, serve others because he is seeking to silence a deep-rooted fear of isolation, loneliness and social distance. According to the system of values held by his community, however, his actions earn him the status of a virtuous man. He may even serve as a social role model and an example of selflessness, without either he or the group perceiving that it is all founded on simple but powerful biographical or personality structures, which both determine and promote this behaviour. From the perspective of qualitative interpretational categories, the data available make it possible to distinguish at least three different deconversion types: The process of deconversion -- likewise the conversion that took place in this group -- represents a way station in the search for religious meaning. The process -- sometimes intentionally initiated -- is repeated by the respondent until he has found a suitable context and religious setting in which he is able to make his spiritual home, at least in the medium term. In these cases leaving the group is usually not very dramatic. True, the process is accompanied by conflicts and frustrations but these are no more intense than other intentionally induced actions, such as the mourning process when a relationship has been ended, etc. It is noticeable that this group of drop-outs only partially, and then not consistently, interprets their leaving process in terms of victim and perpetrator paradigms. 9 ) As a rule this results in differentiated assessments of the membership in the group till then (in the sense of a profit and loss account). Should this particular person nevertheless come to a negative paradigmatic assessment during the course of his argumentation, it may be because e.g. his current social environment includes participation in an alternative drop-outs group, and that this group has made the victim-perpetrator paradigm one of its tenets. This initially offers the individual a plausible interpretation for his leaving. Deconversions after many years in the group prove to be very dramatic and full of potential for conflict. If there was a large degree of homeostasis, i.e. a close fit between the biographical structures of the individual and the group culture or a concrete social setting inside the group, the loss of equilibrium and the resulting conflict is not due to "mismatching" on the individual's part nor is it stimulated by the previous degree of inflexibility in the group, but by an unforeseen process of transformation within the group itself that the person wanting to stay in the group is unable to stop but which he is unwilling or unable to agree with, due either to his make-up or a specific imprinting. The triggers and the reaction mechanisms are comparable with similar everyday processes (cf. structural changes in the workplace with selection processes that take jobs even from workers who have given years of loyal service). In this context, the respondents feel very much that they are victims. The group they were so familiar with can no longer meet their needs due to the process of change. The symptoms shown by individual drop-outs include tendencies which are reminiscent of a faulty fit. 2.5.3 Deconversion as an element in a psychopathological process Where there are clearly perceptible and in part premorbid psychopathological symptoms (e.g. neurotic traits such as anxiety, depression, pronounced inferiority or obsession conflicts) the leaving process parallels the pathological state. Often upon initial contact, the group culture and its specific profile seemed to offer the respondent, with his psychopathologically distorted perceptions, solutions to his conflicts. Or the person hoped that the group would act as a catalyst to help him cope with specific deficits or failings. The distorted perceptions on the part of the convert can be reinforced by a corresponding lack of a sense of reality on the part of the group, e.g. unrealistic ideas about the possibilities for changing character through faith or the power of faith healing, etc. However, just as in everyday life distorted patterns of perception come up against actual reality and opportunities to make corrections arise, similar processes may be observed in the interaction of the respondent with his religious group. If the premorbid psychological conflicts he already suffers from escalate due to his heightened vulnerability, this should not only be ascribed to a rigid group milieu, especially since there can at the same time be helpful interactions between the individual and the group itself, independently of his conflicts with the outside world, which can help him cope with a personal crisis in his life. One must assume a relationship in which the convert is responsible for his actions and for whether or not he accepts the group's existing offers to change his life or receive help. The "therapeutic" effects are often no different from those which would result from acting according to normal common sense, such as one might observe in any daily experience of life. However, it was also noticed that a specific Christian paradigm (e.g. God must heal) prevents "sensible" courses of action as dictated by "normal common sense", particularly when dealing with people who are psychologically disturbed. Often clearly recognisable strategies for coping and the corresponding competence to act are missing. This makes it necessary in diagnosis to identify structures which are not only related to an individual's case history but which are also highly biographical. Deconversions often manifest themselves as being full of conflicts and often dramatic, with the overall psychological state of the person often being the main cause of dramatic course of events, even if the religiously focused or inflexible group 10 ) provides the immediate stimulus.
2.6 Summary with regard to the Personality Structure Test (PST) 11 ) This observation leads to the assumption that where the group presents a specific profile, those showing an interest in the group must also display specific features. 12 ) This is the same principle that applies in other social processes of selection (cf. the psychological criteria judged necessary to practise certain professions or perform certain tasks, such as to pilot an aeroplane). That explains, for example, the exceptionally high fluctuation within the type-A community. The initial enthusiasm for the alternative expression of faith soon comes up against the concrete expectations of the group. Even if the candidates are willing to work on their "character" and such processes of change are part of the group culture, there are limits to how far this can succeed. Individual character traits and, if there is a great willingness to change, even elements of the basic structure, can alter to fit in with expectations. However, a permanent alteration to personality structures is possible only if the candidate himself suffers greatly under the status quo (as, for example, in dense therapeutic settings as in or out patient or in specific permanent job environments, which, for whatever reasons, can neither be abandoned nor restructured and oblige the persons to make efforts to adjust). Whether they belong to a certain fringe religious group can therefore be seen most clearly in the basic structures of the subjects. The respondents in these groups share character traits and deep structure features that are observed much more frequently in other people from all the Christian groups under scrutiny, even if slight variations may be observed. If the deep structure or basic structure of a subject is very pronounced it appears as dominant in the process of acculturation. It is therefore all the more necessary for the group profile to fit that of the candidate, if the acculturation process is to succeed, since the basic and deep structures of the respondents prove to be very resistant to change. Life-style aspects are more flexible than deep structure or basic structure when it comes to conversion or acculturation. It is easier to act out a life-style in niche situations found in external relationships or in structures within the group. Deep and basic structure on the other hand require a closer fit and it is very difficult to accommodate them in niche activities. The closer the deep structure is to the mean value, the more other personality traits or biographical structures or life-style aspects dominate in the process of conversion and acculturation. 3. A "typical case": Ms Fischer The dynamic model of fit described above permits a clearer view of the various biographical and personality features which played a role in the respondents' first contacts with a group, their entering, staying in or leaving. As an example, we have chosen the case of Ms Fischer. At the time of the interview Ms Fischer was 28 years old and single. She had studied medicine and was working as a doctor. She grew up in the established Protestant Church and was confirmed there. Although she made her first contact with faith in this traditional setting, she contrasts that with a consciously practised Christian life. The respondent described the atmosphere at home as very sheltered and protective. On the other hand, she remembered being brought up strictly, especially in comparison with her younger sister. Since this younger sister was very ill, the respondent had to shoulder certain responsibilities (helping her with homework, building a circle of friends for her sister, integrating her into the peer group, etc.). However, she found this burdensome, and to a certain extent, it competed with her own needs to relate to people of her own age outside the family without having her sister present. While attending confirmation classes, she developed her own religious interests and had her first independent experiences of faith through working with a youth band. She empathised with the pastor of her Church who was poorly regarded and under pressure because of his political convictions and how he did his job (organising retreats). As a young person, the respondent felt pressurised by her parents.
Initial contact and conversion The respondent reports that at the age of 19, before her conversion, she started a university course in G-town, and had no close contacts to any Christian Church. However, she had helpful talks with a fellow female student (Protestant Free Church) and gained new stimuli for her faith. While she was still 19, she switched to a new course of study, which was a considerable shock. For this reason, she moved to (Big City) and concentrated on her studies. At first, she had hardly any contacts apart from with home. Finally, the respondent sought contact with an established Protestant Church community but failed to warm to it. While still a student, the respondent started a relationship with two non-Christians, which she experienced overall as severe crisis and trauma. On the one hand, she wanted contact with these people. On the other hand, there was a clash with her Christian ethics in that she had a relationship with non-Christians and broke off the first relationship in favour of the second (which her conscience, taking its cue from the Bible, felt to be a "sin" and immoral). Due to these conflicting relationships, she concentrated on finishing her studies and on the second relationship, despite her ethical misgivings. When, however, this second man left her, she had lost her orientation. After the relationship had been broken off and the stress of examinations was over, the respondent was approached one day whilst waiting for the underground by a woman (type-A community, a group with a strong focus on sanctification) who asked her about her faith. She accepted several invitations to visit this woman and the services and bible circles of the type-A community. Various aspects of the type-A community appealed to her:
For about six months she frequently attended type-A community events. However, then she avoided them and went abroad against the will of the leaders, since the respondent had not yet become a member. During a two-month traineeship abroad she visited the type-A community there. Closer contact with these people and especially meeting a woman who quoted and explained a certain passage from the Bible, helped her to find her faith again. "These words touched me, and I realised how wonderful this promise is and that it is also given to me". In retrospect, the respondent described the specific effect of the type-A community on her life then with her belief that she was so far removed from God that she would not have felt "attracted to a moderate community, and perhaps I needed something extreme and very vibrant to find God at all". On Leaving While still abroad, the respondent broke away from the type-A community. When she still in (Big City) she had noticed the pressure in this community. She had gained the impression that they were trying to "lure" her. She took exception to the way that the people in certain positions claimed an authority that they did not deserve due to their incompetence. She was also annoyed by the tight controls (phone calls when she had not attended). She rejected the type-A community's claim to absolute truth. She was also irritated by the constant urging to join, which involved baptism, and by the group's criticism of her plans to go abroad (accusation of egoistic motives) from which she was not, however, to be swayed. The respondent noticed that the type-A community abroad was slightly more liberal than at home. However, she experienced similar pressures and a pronounced hierarchy.
Re-orientation Leaving the type-A community did not mean that the respondent lost her religious orientation but rather that as soon as she returned from abroad she looked for a new community. She wanted to meet people who take the Bible seriously, with a loving attitude where she could feel sheltered. The respondent had much appreciated that people in the type-A community invited her in and took her everywhere, that she made contact and was approached personally. Via a colleague at work the respondent finally found an evangelical Free Church type-B community, which she joined and where she is now active. Life-themes and biographical structures "Pressure" as a life-theme In a letter to the author after the interview the respondent wrote that this meeting had started a process of further reflection. Referring especially to the question of during which phases in life "pressure" situations similar to those in the type-A community had occurred she concluded, "Through the interview, I realised how often and how strongly pressures have played a role in my life and continue to do so. I tend to put pressure on myself or let others put pressure on me. I should like to work on that in future." Pressures experienced by people and the resulting reactions and patterns of interaction form a pronounced structure which dominates the experience. The transformation of these patterns can be clearly traced throughout various situations in life (see above). During adolescence, for instance As part of her arguments for leaving the type-A community while abroad, the respondent recounted an revealing story (see above), the history of a 17 year old girl who was so pressurised by her parents and the type-A community that she was unable to leave and was instead reintegrated. The text points to the conclusion that the mechanisms of a powerful transference were at work in the respondent. Obviously, this young woman reminded the respondent of the pressures brought to bear on her when her parents interfered in the subject of the choice of a profession and the first boyfriend. The respondent felt deeply sympathetic towards the young woman: "So they just put pressure on me (the 17-year-old, the author) her parents (sighs audibly) ... and er ... she just couldn't manage to break free, and then she was fully integrated ... back in the community (very quietly)". As in other parts of the interview strong or loud expulsions of breath signalise inner agitation and tension. The arc of tension contained in this sentence exactly parallels her own life; the attempt to go against the will of the parents, giving in and finally having to put up with the frustration of her own failure. The respondent interprets this event against the backdrop of her own biography as a problematic one, down to the intonation of the sentence and with unmistakable body language signalising her empathy. In telling the story, the respondent is reliving her own crisis in adolescence. Whereas the respondent bowed to parental pressure when choosing her profession, she found a way out of this system by entering into the relationships already mentioned. In the type-B community The transitional situation in the evangelical type-B community (setting up a new offshoot community) placed huge demands on the respondent's time and energy. She coped with this pressure by looking at it from the perspective of the others who were under just as much pressure and with whom she wished to demonstrate her solidarity. Moreover, she could see an end to this state of affairs, when increasing numbers come to feel at home in the type-B community and share the burdens. Conclusions with regard to the problems centred around "pressure" The respondent is very sensitive to pressure of any kind, and her reaction is defensive. However, there are types of pressure that the respondent is able to allocate on the cognitive level and which she can thus integrate into her own behaviour and experiences. Because of her own standards, expectations or "objective" emergencies, stress situations then act in the social network of relationships as "eustress", in other words as an incentive to shoulder and accept the inevitable. Life-theme: "Living according to one's talents" The respondent wishes to live according to her talents. By that she means that the community should take note of the skills and capabilities that each member can contribute to the group. The respondent does not feel she has the "talent" of "evangelising" and therefore had a huge problem with the demand made by the type-A community. "That is simply not the way I am; it's that somehow I can't do it yes, with music it's all well and good; I find that quite easy, but um ...not so much in words. To in I should (draws deep breath) now to ... um.. to go and ... um ... talk in front of others". It is her abiding wish to find her spiritual home in a community that she can "fit into" with her talents. Life-theme: Dealing with power and decision-making To sufficiently understand the processes of interaction with members of the type-A community and the decision to leave, one must take a closer look at the role of a first-born sibling, in particular when the parents have expressly delegated some of their parental responsibility. 13 ) It is clear from the transcript of the interview that the acquired dominant role of the first-born clashes with the attempts of members of the type-A community who are the same age as the respondent to decide for her how she should think and behave. The more so when the respondent can see that such interactions are not governed first and foremost by genuine concern but by communication processes directed to the exercise of power, with obedience as the primary objective. Personality-rooted structures Dispassionate attitude (character trait) This trait was very obvious in the interview and, together with the introverted basic structure, is an important reason why the respondent did not stay in the type-A community. Community life and the practice of faith in the type-A community is based on intensive contacts. Whereas this may well have suited her slight warm-heartedness, the pressure of expectations from the type-A community clearly clashed on this point with the respondent's potential. Self-assertion (character trait) The respondent has a slightly above average tendency to self-assertion which is part of her biographical experiences. She was subjected to moral pressure by the type-A community, who interpreted her desire to go abroad as egoism. Nevertheless she had the strength to do as she wanted. In other situations, the respondent likewise contradicted the group standards. Introversion (basic structure) In the context of the dispute with the type-A community the slight tendency in the basic structure of the respondent to introversion was confirmed. There were several clashes:
Details of the PST for Ms Fischer (see Annex, p. 397): The openness scale shows that the respondent has a slight tendency towards "reticent" or "socially desirable", but the result (4) nevertheless in no way limits the assessment of the test. 14 ) Regarding the character traits, only abstract thinking is at the 4-percent level. Clear tendencies may be seen only for unconventional (8), unselfconscious (3) and inner tension (8). The respondent's basic structure is slightly inside the introverted-stable quadrant (4/4) The fact that the respondent shows a slight tendency towards dispassionateness amongst her character traits might indicate that she could, with a p value of +1 perhaps tend more strongly to introversion in her basic structure, which assumption was confirmed by the analyses of the interviews. What appears congruous in the character traits and the basic structures runs slightly counter to the deep structure. A slight warm-hearted portion may be discerned (6). The average total on the U axis (32) takes the respondent from 1.5 conservative to 6.5 unconventional. That means that the respondent, apart from highly conservative elements, can also demonstrate clearly unconventional behaviour patterns on the level of the deep structure. Overall the results for deep structure are median (warm-heartedness 6 / conservative 4) so that one may speak of slight tendencies but no more, especially since the sum total on the W-axis is relatively low. In terms of social orientation, the following picture emerges: The relationships between deep structure and character traits inasmuch as they are pronounced, may be shown as follows: Of the six possible relationships with the W-axis only two show a slight tendency to run counter (dispassionate attitude and self-assertion), whereas the willingness to trust and the unselfconsciousness in the character traits confirms the slight warm-heartedness. The relationship between the U axis and the character traits results in following picture: Only two of the possible relationships one might consider show relevant values that are counter to the slight conservativeness: the clear tendency towards unconventionality and the slight tendency to self-confidence in the character traits. These representations lead one to the conclusion that the respondent appears to the outside world as more dispassionate, self-confident, resolute and unconventional, or wishes to create that impression (cf. openness scale 4) than truly meets her needs as shown in her deep structure. Here a possible reason may be supposed in convictions about life-style or other biographical structures. However, one must stress once again that most of the values are in the median range i.e. that the respondent has a personality structure that is very much of an average nature and that she differs little in this respect from the rest of the population. Summary Viewed from the aspect of entering and leaving religious groups the biography presented here is dominated long-term by at least three structures and life-themes:
One may note that the specific profile offered by the type-A community acted as a catalyst to help the respondent cope with a fortuitous crisis in her life, without her completing the acculturation process in this community. Both occupying herself with the offer made by the type-A community and leaving the group had "healing" therapeutic effects on the respondent. Internal correlations in the Personality Structure Test, despite the predominance of median values, did point to one aspect in the data which had gained relevance. It revealed the latent structure of behaviour tending towards the dispassionate and introverted, which was transformed at various phases of life. The analyses also made it clear that in this case, compared with other religious groups, and despite a tendency to specific group dynamics or manipulative interaction patterns on the initial contact and during the course of further developments, overall the respondent's own actions played the major part both in entry and exit. In the process of interaction between the respondent and the type-A community it became apparent that the specific profile and offer did not adequately fit the respondent. True, she was able to constructively process a concrete conflict in her life within the context of the initial contact and acculturation. She also profited in a spiritual sense, at least from the type-A community abroad. However, she failed to make her life-themes or dominant biographical structures and those rooted in her personality fit into the milieu of the type-A community and thus feel at home. This automatically led to her leaving the type-A community and entering a new community where she could fit in.
We would like to refer the reader to following publications: Dieterich, M.: Persönlichkeitsdiagnostik. Theorie und Praxis in ganzheitlicher Sicht. Wuppertal and Zurich, 1997. Eggert, D.: Eysenck-Persönlichkeits-Inventar E-P-I. Göttingen 1983. Fahrenberg, J. et al.: Das Freiburger Persönlichkeitsinventar FPI. Göttingen 1983. Riemann, F.: Grundformen der Angst. Munich and Basle 1982. Schneewind, A.; Schröder, G.; Catell, E.B.: Der 16-Persönlichkeits-Faktoren-Test (16PF). Bern, Stuttgart, Vienna 1986. Strauss, A. L.: Grundlagen qualitativer Sozialforschung. Datenanalyse und Theoriebildung in der empirischen und soziologischen Forschung. Translated from American English by A. Hildenbrand with a preface by B. Hildenbrand. UTB 1776, Munich 1994. Zinser, H.; Schwarz, G.; Remus, B.: Psychologische Aspekte neuer Formen der Religiosität. In: Veröffentlichungen am Religionswissenschaftlichen Institut der Freien Universität Berlin. Empirische Studien, Vol. 1. Medienverlag Köhler, Tübingen 1997. III. Sub-project on "Biographies in Christian Fundamentalist Milieus and Organisations" Prof. Dr Heinz Streib, University of Bielefeld For this research project, which was set up as a third-party funded project at the University of Bielefeld 15 ), contrastive analyses of biographies were drawn up, i.e. the processes of entering, staying in or leaving the fundamentalist Christian milieu or organisation were scrutinised. From a pool of 22 interviews, 12 were chosen in the initial selection process and transcribed as preparation for analysis and comparison using reconstructive hermeneutic methods for the qualitative interpretation of narrative interviews. 16 ) Analytical attention was focussed on the relationship between the "religious career" and the biography "backwards" (conditions motivating joining and belonging) and "forwards" (biographical consequences in terms of transformation, immobilisation and decompensation) with special attention being paid to the changes or continuity in the personality, how content the person was with life, his ability to act and his identity in view of conversion and transformation processes during the period of entering, staying with or leaving the group which may have left deep impressions. The following summary of results is based on the individual case analyses, which ought to be read first in order to fully understand the results, but which unfortunately, for reasons of space, cannot be presented here. One of the most important findings that qualitative empirical research hopes to make using narrative interviews is to determine distinct types of biographies. This is done by contrasting and comparing the biographies. In analysing the interviews we have looked at three levels or dimensions as may be deduced from the above outline of the focus of analytical attention:
The process of defining different types is at the centre of our examinations of Christian fundamentalist biographies and distinguishes between three basic types; it starts from the central consideration of the ways people enter into and adapt (a dimension) to fundamentalist Christian religiousness and looks then for typical relationships to other dimensions, in particular to the dimension of biographical consequences (b dimension), and the dimension of underlying motivations in the biography (g dimension). 1. Three types of fundamentalist Christian biography
If, when reading the interviews, one looks at how the respondents
arrived at their current fundamentalist religious beliefs, how they
found their way into the milieu, what guided them and how often they had
already changed direction
and milieu, one comes to the conclusion that there are significant
differences. Taking the criterion of ways in which people enter and
adapt it was possible to develop a basic typology from our observations,
against which the individual
cases could be contrasted:
For this type of socialisation into a certain religion as personal destiny, it is possible to further differentiate by when in the person's life the fateful inculturation into fundamentalist religion occurred. Early inclusion by the family is to be distinguished from that happening in late childhood, adolescence or in early adulthood. A collective inclusion after early childhood need not be any less fateful or make the person any less traditionalist; however, as a person grows older it is increasingly unlikely that a set of beliefs might be adopted without any awareness of alternatives or the elective character of the decision becoming more obvious to the person and given serious consideration. Characteristic of the traditionalist is that his subjective horizon -- and usually that of the milieu -- is largely closed and bound by tradition and any alternatives there might be, which could force the subject to make a choice from various offers, rarely or never come into view, or are simply ignored. B. Two further types may be distinguished from the first traditionalist type, both of whom might be described as heretical or under obligation to choose. Here "heresy" is not to be understood as having opinions at variance with the officially valid ones, becoming an apostate and therefore being punished by sanctions but in the sense the word is used by P. Berger 17 ) as quite simply a modern, as opposed to traditional, method of religious adaptation and, returning to the original meaning of the Greek word, the imperative to choose, even in regard to religion. I call the first variety the mono-convert (type B). The characteristics of the mono-convert are as follows:
Fundamentalist ideology deliberately ignores that the choice is in principle one of many and the undeniable fact that the set of beliefs held by one's own fundamentalist group is only one variation among the pluralist range of religions. This blinkered view is due to the elevation of the authoritativeness of one's own set of beliefs, which adheres to theories of literalism, such as the inspired nature of the Word, and thereby claims an absolute truth that puts modern natural science and the humanities -- and thus theology in particular -- totally in the shade. It is therefore understandable that the fundamentalist mono-convert soon forgets the elective nature of his own decision and becomes convinced that the recently acquired religion is the one and only. C. The third type of fundamentalist biography contrasts with the two other types: the accumulative heretic (type C). This type is easy to distinguish from the mono-convert, who also has a heretical method of entering and adapting, in that the former's choice does not fall upon one religious form only. The difference may be explained through what is meant by "choice" here: the monoconvert sees his decision as mono-directional, mono-cultural and once only, as the decision to embrace a certain, fairly closed religious system that determines many aspects of life; in the case of the accumulative heretic "choice" is viewed -- by the individual as well -- as "choosing" and usually he means by that selective choosing, in other words he by no means adopts all the details that form part of a religious tradition. The characteristics may be named as follows:
In his process of adaptation the accumulative heretic is able to accept the most varied religious and spiritual traditions at one and the same time and to "borrow" from them -- he does so by ignoring cognitive, theological and dogmatic contradictions between them. In some cases the various borrowings and offers taken from religious traditions are explicitly bound into an ontological framework theory; in others a vague thread can be guessed at in the form of an implicit "theory", which guides the search. The accumulative heretic can be sub-divided into two further types: the serial accumulative heretic who -- sometimes in restless and fairly rapid manner -- changes from one form of religion to the next, abandoning (by and large) the one form before he adopts the next; then there is the synchronously accumulative heretic who is sufficiently polytrope to participate at the same time in various movements, philosophies and rituals and ignores the in part massive cognitive contradictions in particularly striking manner. The accumulative heretic, particularly the synchronously accumulative variety, prefers the open religious milieu which -- irrespective of a hard fundamentalist core -- leaves subjective freedoms for wide peripheral aspects of life and life-styles. So far this typology has only looked at the criterion of the ways in which the person enters and adapts (a dimension), the role the other dimensions play in defining the types has not yet been mentioned. This is now to be rectified, although one must state right away that the other two dimensions, the biographical consequences (b dimension) and the motivational background (g dimension) did not lead to a distinct typology in our analysis process. They have been treated instead -- rather more modestly -- in terms of the aspect of connecting lines between the various dimensions, in other words questions about the cases such as, are there certain biographical details, perhaps experiences in the family during early childhood, which have imprinted the traditionalist? Can basic patterns of motivation be identified which lead to the various types, to the heretic, the mono-convert, the accumulative heretic? Can typical courses of processing and typical biographical consequences be recognised for the individual types? Here we must note a fundamental, limiting principle, namely that even if we can identify certain basic motivational structures for the affinity to a certain type, it is not permissible to deduce a causal relationship between the basic motivational structure and the affinity to a certain type. The case analyses do not permit such psychologically deterministic conclusions. And even when we are able to identify certain processing routes and biographical consequences for the individual types, we are still a long way from being able to predict in causal, deterministic manner a generalised future for the types or the appropriate milieu. However, to make clearer contrasts between the profiles of the three types, the relationships to their motivational background and the biographical consequences are interesting and illuminating. 2. Motivational profiles for people with fundamentalist Christian biographies In the sense described above, the motives for entry and membership can be used to further differentiate the typology. As may be seen from the cases studied, the aspect of biographical motivations is indeed relevant (g dimension). Above all moulding influences play a role here if the subject has not (yet) been able to satisfactorily work these aspects into his biography and they repeatedly -- at times pertinently -- recur and demand attention and energy. I call these mouldings -- just as G. Noam 18 ) does -- life- themes. Life-themes are rooted in -- to some extent traumatic -- experiences in the biography so far, which may also be termed self-tensions (W. Helsper). 19 ) In some of our cases, for example, one may discern:
It would seem that these experiences have more than exhausted the psychological resources of the respondents and they occur conspicuously and repeatedly in the biography -- and in the biographical narrative during the interview. Of course life-themes cannot all be traced to experiences and impressions in early childhood but may equally arise during adolescence and adulthood. Nevertheless they can often be interpreted as a reflection of earlier life-themes. Typical examples are the acute experiences of crisis in early and mid adulthood, which our respondents reported and which they see as connected to the start of their religious searching or their conversion:
In turning towards fundamentalist religions, it was observed, compensation for such pertinent life-themes is sought. If this compensation is found in the new religious beliefs, it is only understandable that a strong affinity arises. The more convincingly compensation is experienced, the stronger the forces which bind the person to the group. This is also relevant to the process of leaving; leaving means forsaking the more or less successful strategies for processing the life-themes. However, one must again caution against a causal deterministic misunderstanding: not everyone who suffered the early loss of a parent, nor everyone who endured a lack of emotional warmth, who was unwanted or physically abused, later converts to a fundamentalist milieu; nor does every divorce lead to a conversion to Christian fundamentalism. There is one interesting finding from the contrastive comparisons: if we examine the cases to see what relationships exist between the conversion or affinity to fundamentalism on the one hand and the life-themes and crisis experiences on the other hand we notice that such relationships are most often to be found in the reports by the two types of heretic, the mono-convert and the accumulative heretic, whereas they barely feature in the biographical interviews with traditionalists. Relationships between motivation and life-themes during the conversion of the traditionalist cannot be discerned from an analysis of sequences and narrative. The relationship between underlying motivation and life-themes thus provides illuminating contrasts between the cases and leads to clearer profiles. How can this contrast be explained? A comprehensive and conclusive explanation cannot be given here; much remains open for further research projects. However, one can hazard the theory that the difference between the traditionalist and the two types of heretic runs along a line of contrast which separates (sociologically speaking) an adherence to milieu and tradition from the search for new experiences, 20 ) the (psychologically speaking) reasons for action based on cognition, conviction and morals from those based on emotions and needs and the (psychoanalytically speaking) impulses of the superego from desire and the impulses of the id. 3. Generative profiles for people with Christian fundamentalist biographies The three types, already differentiated according to the dimension of the individual's method of entry and adaptation, may be further differentiated in relation to the dimension of the processing methods and thus of the biographical consequences (b dimension). Basically, the whole range of possibilities is open: from transformation to immobilisation to decompensation. On the one hand, there are potential educational processes, opportunities to learn and transformation processes, while on the other hand, there is the danger of stagnation and psychological or social decompensation. Within the context of a fundamentalist group or in a fundamentalist milieu, problems and life- themes that require a solution may be processed either with an increase or a decrease in the individual's ability to act. That has major biographical consequences. The paths followed by transformations in religion may be interpreted in the context of a model of the transformation of religious styles: 21 ) transformation processes can be most clearly seen when individualising and reflective approaches to the treatment of religion are re-discovered or once again become the primary pattern of orientation. 22 ) This leads (initially) despite a stubborn adherence to the core elements of fundamentalist ideology -- to rebellion against any submission to the authorities for doctrines and rules in the hierarchy of the groups, whether they be called apostles, elders or pastors. When transformations take this course, the unavoidable consequence is usually leaving the fundamentalist group. If one examines our material for these types of processing method and biographical consequences, one soon discovers that all three varieties are present. In some cases, decompensation is recognisable; in many cases, the initial problems which were responsible for the person turning to the fundamentalist group have been perpetuated unprocessed; in other words, they have been adjourned. However, contrary to common prejudice, our sample documents include a number of cases where transformational processing did take place in the context of the fundamentalist milieus and groups, which led to more self-confidence, greater self- assertion and more differentiated approaches to, and dealings with, other people and with religion and religious conceptions. Can transformational biographies be matched to specific types? Does this occur more frequently with specific types? The match is not as contrastive as for the relationships portrayed in the previous section, but tendencies are clearly visible. Transformational processes are barely seen with the traditionalist or not at all, whereas they do appear in the mono-convert and are frequent for the accumulative heretic. This can be explained by the way in which the traditionalist enters the fundamentalist milieu: people who enter a fundamentalist organisation because it is their destiny and they are bound by tradition are likely to find less freedom of action or opportunity for development; if on the other hand someone has converted of their own free will -- and is largely motivated by the desire for experiences and satisfaction of needs -- such as the heretic, he is more likely to undergo transformation. With respect to the process of leaving the group it is also evident that someone who has been placed by destiny in a certain fundamentalist religious setting -- at whatever age -- finds it far more difficult and painful to leave the group. Huge disappointment, rejection and hatred are often to be observed. The mono-convert displays these reactions in a milder but still recognisable form. The difficulties and traumatisation probably stem from the fact that the affinity of the traditionalist placed in a group by destiny (and in slightly milder form the mono-convert) is usually directed to the more closed groups or organisations, the so-called high-tension groups 23 ) of a fundamentalist character. The accumulative heretic in particular prefers the more open group, the milieu that is not tightly closed and does not demand total acceptance of all the ideological views, the dogmas, rituals and rules but which allow a large amount of freedom provided one adheres to the minimum consensus -- that is, however, compulsory. This makes the process of transformation and of leaving much easier. 4. `Thomas': A clear case of an accumulative heretic As an illustration, we would like to present at least one interesting case which shows both accumulative heretical and transformational features. However, the case of "Thomas" is one of the contrastive cornerstones of our typology, and one should note that our sample contains some completely different cases. Thomas has nevertheless been selected for a brief presentation because his biography clearly illustrates two of the more conspicuous findings in our study:
Both these aspects are well illustrated in the case of Thomas. Thomas was born in 1949, and at the time of the interview he was 48 years old. He spent his youth and vocational training during the late sixties and seventies in a northern German city. After graduating from secondary school, Thomas started teacher training (biology at grammar school/sixth form level) and completed both academic and practical training. He did not find a teaching position, however, and survived the next 20 years on a variety of odd-jobs such as driving a taxi, selling goods at open-air markets, etc. At the time of the interview, he was living with a woman, her two children and their own eight month old baby. I should like to summarise some of the stages in Thomas' religious biography and present them in the form of quotations from the interview. Thomas' account of why, as he puts it, he "sought or found certain groupings or sect-like or fundamentalist groups" starts during his student days when he was introduced to meditation by one of the people in his flat-sharing group and he directed his "search for more intensity, for a kind of liberation from stress" towards forms of meditation. Years later, Thomas had by now completed his studies, a friend introduced him to Bhagwan. He reports: "I think it was during my practical training ... er ... it was near the end of it and there was tremendous pressure and you had to cope with all that and, and (draws breath) I had this y- yearning and he did this liberating ... er ... meditation with Bhagwan (...) and ... er ... I'd kinda heard of that and went to this farm and (draws breath) well did this, this meditation, dynamic meditation ...". And due to his own initial experiences, he thought: "Well I can do that too; I need to get rid of something, too (...) `course it was curiosity as well (draws breath), this Asian meditation ... er ... (draws breath), and that it was so dynamic and then all quiet, I found that sort of nice". Thomas spent 3 to 4 years involved in the Bhagwan movement, living in various communes in southern Germany. Thomas named two reasons for leaving this milieu. Firstly, the ideology of the Bhagwan followers had grown too narrow for him, and he felt hemmed in and oppressed; and secondly, for him sex meant being faithful, and he could not get used to the idea of free sex. Some years later, after his girlfriend had left him and gone to India, he had lived a reclusive life in the Black Forest, looking after an elderly farming couple. Thomas then returned to his home city in northern Germany where a girlfriend from his youth introduced him to a group that he called the Bio-energetics Group, but which in fact practised extreme forms of experiments in group dynamics. Reporting on this, he said: "...and then we did these tough exercises fasting, group locked in fifty, sixty people, shut up in a gymnasium for a week (draws breath); three days without food, and three days without anything to drink, and one week of nothing to eat (draws breath); keeping awake day and night; no sleeper a real voluntary internment, so to speak". Apart from this annual workshop, he said "once or twice a week, we did those exercises in this group in the evening". Despite these negative recollections, Thomas had also kept some pleasant memories: "They have parties where they celebrate New Year; that's like a big family (draws breath); and you know people and dance with them a lot going on, with this group you were together a lot (draws breath); might perhaps er find a girl (draws breath) er (breathes out); yes, that's what the attraction was."
Following the death of the leader, Thomas left this group and lived a
quieter life for some years, singing in a Protestant Church choir,
supporting himself with taxi driving and market stalls. Then he met a
Scientology recruiter on the street and took a personality test. And --
unlike an acquaintance who participated for a short while and quickly
left the organisation, Thomas said of himself, "Yes, I did this test and
sort of stayed on, although I didn't really want to go (...) (draws
breath), but when I was there, I said to myself, well what [...] what
have they got and then I felt a bit curious and of course this (draws
breath) desire again to (clicking noise with tongue) ... er ... to find
redemption liberation from the past from a very oppressive past yes,
that was it, and they promised me something; they also did a sort of
therapy (...) the first experience is helpful of course, a liberation to
start with (draws deep breath) ... er ... if you sense a certain deficit
in your life, life". Obviously, this did not upset him sufficiently to make him leave the group of his own accord. He did not manage to leave until the next stage of his religious career; once again this started by chance: "Then I read somewhere `Gospel Meeting', and so I went, and that was actually [...] a Free Protestant Church [...] in the city centre (clicking noise with tongue) and so I went". Thomas was attracted by a young lady who told him about her experiences with Jesus and how her faith had helped her and her report moved him to go again. The intensity of experience was heightened by the atmosphere in this gospel Church. Thomas recounted: "people dancing freely, hands in the air or singing loudly and er not like I used to sing in Church but (draws breath) well they sang [..] and the atmosphere was ... it smelled of sweat, and I thought `hey, what's this? It's like being in a body-building gym. Why does it smell like this?' At any rate, this ... this atmosphere really grabbed me, and I had to go to the toilets because I thought you can't start crying right here". Finally, when a woman he met there had explained to him that Scientology is a dangerous sect Thomas decided to go and hold a farewell conversation the next day, to cancel a cheque and never again to take up one of Scientology's offers. At the time of the interview Thomas' life and religiousness have reached calmer waters. He is living with a woman with whom he has an eight month old baby, in addition to the two children the woman already had. Thomas reflects about the children's religious upbringing, reads to them from a children's bible, talks of responsibility in the family and faithfulness to one's partner and is able to reject in biblical and theological terms, giving reasons, his time with the charismatic group and with Bhagwan. Taking a quotation from St. Paul, who calls himself a prisoner of Christ, he explains that he had decided against this course: "In that respect ... er ... if that's being a Christian, and if that's what I understand a Christian to be, then I'm not one any more; I'm not a disciple of Jesus in that sense (draws breath) ... er ... but I wouldn't then say that Christianity is the worst thing there is, but I would say I said yes to that point, and I felt liberated there, but I also said (draws breath) ... er ... I can say that in this sect -- I really do use the word sect for Scientology -- that helped me, and with Bhagwan that helped me because everyone's different, and I have a good friend, and she says (draws breath) I've picked out bits from all over, this from anthroposophy, that from Bhagwan, that from (draws breath) er .. [...] ...you collect little mosaic pieces er of experiences in life and (draws breath) insights and ... and mm (draws breath) ... and ... er ... I learnt something from all of them, and I have no regrets (draws breath), and er the bad thing is, I would say ... er just the constraints of the group when you've joined and when they get too strong and take over your personality". Finally, a few remarks on where Thomas' biography fits into the framework of my typology. Thomas is a typical example of an accumulative heretic, who has suffered no harm during his chequered religious career, his religious tourism, which took him through meditation groups, Bhagwan groups and communes, through an extreme form of group dynamics, through Scientology offers and then to a charismatic group. His own conclusion ("I picked out bits from all over") is congruous with our analysis of his narrative. Decompensation cannot be detected; Thomas has benefited and learnt a lot through processing his life- themes and undergone a transformation -- first and foremost in that he can now cope much more realistically with his illusionary hunger to be unconditionally loved by someone and that he steers away from group constraints before it is too late. The following verdict is justified by the interview with Thomas: Thomas' life-themes, both his search for someone who loves him unconditionally and his vehement aversion to group constraints have been processed and transformed in the context of his accumulative heretical wanderings, which took up 20-25 years of his life. _______________ NOTES: 1 ) Cf. the previous remarks on biographies in the context of Far-Eastern groups and milieus. 2 ) It should be noted that each sub-project will continue to evaluate the data; in some cases, additional surveys will be included. This can be expected to lead to a more systematic approach and more accurate differentiation, which will be published in more extensive reports which may considerably improve the platform for contrasting comparisons of the typologies. 3) Cf. the distinction between three dimensions in the sub-project on the fundamentalist Christian milieu; these dimensions were related to the reconstructed biographies. 4 ) Cf. the case of Ms Fischer in the description of the sub-project on radical Christian groups of the first generation. 5 ) For a definition of "openness to ecumenism" or "ecumenical flexibility", cf. the definitions of concepts in 2.1. Relatively low pressure to conform implies a certain potential for criticism due to diverging views in the groups, or it permits partial acceptance of Christians from other traditions despite dogmatically held claims to absolute truth.
6 ) No "6". 8) One must, however, qualify this statement inasmuch as the Christian fringe groups seldom practise the type of targeted psychological or pyschotherapeutic treatment that is reported to take place in so-called "psychocults". The research report presented by Prof. Fuchs-Heinritz sheds more light on this area. 9 ) This means that the group is seen as a manipulative and controlling perpetrator, while the convert or drop-out is considered to be the victim. 10 ) It might just as well be inflexible, secular groups that generate extreme stress (e.g. groups in professional life). 11 ) What was observed at the level of biographical structures, the question of how life-themes are dealt with, etc, is confirmed and complemented by the contrasting observations in the context of the Personality Structure Test. The remarks in this summary are based on the results of the Personality Structure Test (PST, see above). The total number of cases is n = 36, of which 9 are stay-ins or insiders (four in a type-A community, five in a type-D community); 11 are drop-outs (four from a type-A community, two from a type-D community, five from other religious fringe groups with considerable potential for conflicts); 16 subjects were in the control group (nine evangelical and seven Pentecostal/charismatic in character). According to the criteria for quantitative empirical methods, the number of subjects is too small to permit any reliable quantitative comparisons. However, the higher numbers observed for subjects -- both relative to the normal population and relative to other groups of respondents -- point to trends which, while not yet quantitatively underpinned, were usually confirmed by the qualitative observations in the interview data, inasmuch as sequences could be demonstrated for these themes. 12 ) Against the backdrop of psychological personality tests performed on members of religious movements and esoteric groups, using the Freiburg Personality Inventory (FPI) and the questionnaire on Competence and Control Convictions (FKK), Zinser, Schwarz und Remus (1997) arrive at similar conclusions: "Because of their personality structure, individuals `choose' the orientation that suits them" (p. 47). 13 ) Not only do first-born persons tend to be good observers, theoreticians, ambitious people and perhaps rather conservative (although this last trait cannot be corroborated by the interview text); the permanent question of who among the siblings has power and decides what to do also plays an important role for them. True, within the context of the learnt, secondary frame of reference, it is possible to acquire the qualified and socially accepted patterns of interaction for such conflict situations, which can lead to constructive controversies. Nevertheless, the primary pattern of behaviour is retained and is predominant particularly when the person feels lacking in orientation. These statements naturally apply only if parents do not systematically try to counter such a tendency. 14 ) It must be pointed out, however, that the reliability of the method increases with increasing values on the openness scale. 15 ) I had succeeded in enlisting a number of interested and well-qualified academics to conduct and analyse the interviews; most of them were post-doctorate or were in the process of writing their dissertations in sociology, psychology and theology. The names of these helpers, who worked on the basis of contracts for services, were S. Grenz, Cologne; Dr M. Hoof, Witten; K. Keller, Bielefeld; Dr M. Utsch, Hanover/Berlin; A. Wyschka, Gelsenkirchen. I should like to take this opportunity to thank them very much for the time-consuming work in the interpretation groups (small groups) and in preparing the case analyses. For what was at times a very difficult transcription job, I would especially like to thank S. Lipka, G. Ortmeyer and A. Grenz. For his help in co-ordinating the office work, I would like to thank Mr D. Debrow, and for managing the tapes and transcripts, Ms E. Kaptain, both of whom put in a great deal of work as student helpers. 16 ) Methodologically, we primarily used the interpretation method for narrative interviews developed by F. Schütze, in combination with the sequence analysis method developed by U. Oevermann (On matters of methodology, see also the jointly drafted introduction to the four research projects). The interpretation sessions in the small group were recorded on tape and included as such in summary form in the evaluation reports. 17 ) Berger, P.: The Heretical Imperative, Garden City; New York 1979. 18 ) Noam, G.G.: "Selbst, Moral und Lebensgeschichte", in: Moral und Person, Edelstein, W., Nunner-Winkler, G. & Noam, G. (ed.), Frankfurt/M. 1993, 171 -- 199. 19 ) Helsper, W.: Selbstkrise und Individuationsprozeû. Subjekt-und sozialisationstheoretische Entwürfe zum imaginären Selbst in der Moderne, Opladen 1989. 20 ) Cf. Schulze, G.: Die Erlebnisorientierung. Kultursoziologie der Gegenwart, Frankfurt; New York: Campus 1992.
21 ) Cf. Streib, H.:
"Religion als Stilfrage. Zur Revision struktureller Differenzierung von
Religion im Blick auf die Analyse der pluralistisch-religiösen Lage der
Gegenwart, in: Archiv für Religionspsychologie, Vol. 22 Göttingen 1997,
pp. 48-69; idem: "Fundamentalismus als religiöser Stilbruch (Inaugural
lecture at the University Bielefeld, May 1997), http://www.tgkm.unibielefeld.de/theologie/
dozent/streib/antritt.htm; idem: "Religious Transformation Processes in
the Context of Fundamentalist Milieus and Organisations (Paper for the
World Congress of Sociology 1997 in Cologne), to be published in: E.
Scheuch & D. Sciulli (eds.): Annals of the International Institute of
Sociology, Vol. 7, currently available at
http://www.tgkm.uni-bielefeld.de/theologie/dozent/streib/köln.htm. 22 ) Cf. Fowler, J.W.: Stages of Faith. The Psychology of Human Development and the Quest for Meaning, San Francisco: Harper&Row 1981, [Translated into German as: Stufen des Glaubens. Die menschliche Entwicklung und die Suche nach Sinn, Gütersloh 1991]. 23 ) Cf. Bainbridge, W.S.: The Sociology of Religious Movements, New York 1997.
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