130
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
located in Aliamanu Crater, between 2 and 3 miles from Fort Shafter.
[252] The crews of the antiaircraft guns were not alerted in such manner
as to provide effective defense even with maximum warning from the radar
information center.
As in the case of Admiral Kimmel, no effective action was taken with a
view to integration and coordination of Army-Navy facilities for
defense.
THE "CODE DESTRUCTION"
INTELLIGENCE
As has been seen, Admiral Kimmel was advised "for action" on December 3
of information received that categoric and urgent instructions were sent
on December 2 to Japanese diplomatic and consular posts at Hongkong,
Singapore, Batavia, *Manila, Washington*, and London to destroy most of
their codes and ciphers at once and to burn all other important
confidential and secret documents. [253]
Testifying with respect to the foregoing intelligence, Admiral Kimmel
stated that both he and his staff noted that *most* of the codes and
ciphers *not all* were to be destroyed and that this information
appeared to fit in with the information "we had received about a
Japanese movement in South East Asia." He commented that Japan would
naturally take precautions to prevent the compromise of her
communication system in the event her action in southeast Asia caused
Britain and the United States to declare war, and take over diplomatic
residences. [254]
Admiral Kimmel did not supply General Short the information he had
received concerning the orders from Tokyo to destroy codes, ciphers, and
confidential documents. He testified: "I didn't consider that of any
vital importance when I received it * * * ." [255]
General Short, on the other hand, has complained that he was not
provided this intelligence and has indicated it would have been of the
greatest significance to him. Referring to the intelligence concerning
the fact that Washington had been ordered to destroy its code machine
[256] General Short said: "The one thing that would have affected me
more than the other matter was the fact they had ordered their code
machines destroyed, because to us that means just one thing: that they
are going into an entirely new phase and that they want to be perfectly
sure that the code will not be broken for a minimum time, say of three
or four days * * *." [257] He further testified that had the Navy given
him any of the dispatches received concerning the destruction of codes
he would have gone into a more serious alert. [258]
In strange contrast with the view of the code burning intelligence taken
by Admiral Kimmel, virtually all witnesses have agreed that this was the
most significant information received between November 27 and December 6
with respect to the imminence of war. Indeed, the overwhelming weight of
the testimony is to effect that orders to
[252] See Army Pearl Harbor Board record, pp. 2604-2697.
[253] Committee exhibit No. 37, p. 40.
On the same day Admiral Kimmel was advised for his information of the
substance of an intercepted Tokyo dispatch of December 1 ordering
London, Hongkong, Singapore, and Manila to destroy (their code) machine.
It was stated that the Batavia (code) machine had already been sent to
Tokyo and on December 2 Washington was also directed to destroy all but
one copy of other systems and all secret documents, that the British
Admiralty had reported London Embassy had complied. Committee exhibit
No. 37, p. 41.
[254] Committee record, p. 6723.
[255] Id., at p. 7477.
[256] This advice was contained in a December 7 dispatch from the War
Department which was not received by General Short until after the
attack. This dispatch will be found discussed in detail, Part IV, infra.
[257] Roberts Commission record, p. 1620.
[258] Committee record, p. 8397.
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
131
destroy codes mean from a military standpoint only one thing war within
a very few days. [259]
It is concluded that the failure of Admiral Kimmel to supply this
intelligence to General Short was inexcusable and that the purport of
this information was to advise the commander in chief within reasonably
narrow limits of time as to when Japan might be expected to strike.
While orders to burn codes may not always mean war in the diplomatic
sense, it very definitely meant war and soon in a military sense after
the "war warning" of November 27. Admiral Kimmel received this
intelligence less than 4 days before the attack; it gave him an
opportunity to correct his mistake in failing to institute distant
reconnaissance and effect a state of readiness commensurate with the
likelihood of hostilities after the November 27 war warning. Nothing was
done General Short was not even informed.
On December 4 the commander in chief of the Pacific Fleet was advised
for information of orders instructing Guam to destroy all secret and
confidential publications and other classified matter except that
essential for current purposes, and to be prepared to destroy instantly,
in event of emergency, all classified matter. [260] This intelligence
was of the greatest significance. It meant that not only was war almost
immediately at hand but that a landing operation by Japan against Guam
was regarded as a possibility. Nothing was done.
On December 6 the Chief of Naval Operations sent a dispatch to Admiral
Kimmel advising, for action, that in view of the international situation
and the exposed position of our outlying Pacific Islands he was
authorized to order destruction in such outlying islands secret and
confidential documents "now or under later conditions of greater
emergency." [261] This dispatch suggested the possibility of landing
operations against our outlying islands including Wake and Midway.
GENERAL SHORT'S KNOWLEDGE OF DESTRUCTION OF CONFIDENTIAL MATTER BY
JAPANESE CONSULATE
The evidence reflects that although Admiral Kimmel received significant
information on four different occasions between December 3 and 6
concerning the destruction of codes and confidential documents in
Japanese diplomatic establishments as well as in our own outlying
possessions, he failed to convey this information to General Short.
Despite this fact it appears that the commanding general obtained
adequate information concerning the destruction of confidential matter
by Japanese diplomatic establishments. Col. George W. Bicknell,
assistant G-2 of the Hawaiian Department, stated that he learned from
Navy sources in Hawaii about December 3 that diplomatic representatives
of Japan in Washington,
[259] see Part IV, infra re code destruction.
[260] Committee exhibit No .37, p. 44.
[261] Committee exhibit No. 37, p. 45.
A memorandum submitted by the Navy Department concerning this dispatch
under date of January 29, 1946 stated OpNav dispatch 061743 was
transmitted to Radio Honolulu at 5:54 p. m. December 6, 1941 Washington
local time" (committee record, p.11441).
It is to be noted that during committee examination Admiral Kimmel was
asked whether he had testified as to when he had received the message of
December 6, 1941, authorizing the destruction of confidential papers
referred to in the preceding paragraph Admiral Kimmel said "I will look
at it. I couldn't tell you when that was received but to the best of my
recollection I never saw it until after the attack. It is an even bet as
to whether I saw it before or after the attack. I think I didn't get it
until after the attack. * * * I have no record upon which I can
definitely state that. I can only state my recollection."
Going on, Admiral Kimmel said "*At any rate, if I did receive this
before the attack, it was no more than I would have expected under the
circumstances. * * * And that (referring to the message) was not
particularly alarming*," see committee record pp. 7649,7650.
132
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
London, Hongkong, Singapore, Manila, and elsewhere were destroying their
codes and papers. He further stated that about the same time he learned
from the Special Agent in Charge of the FBI that the latter had
intercepted a telephone "message from the Japanese consulate Honolulu,
which disclosed that the Japanese consul general was burning and
destroying all his important papers." Colonel Bicknell said: [262]
"In the morning of 6 December 1941, at the usual staff conference
conducted by the Chief of Staff for General Short I told those
assembled, which included the Chief of Staff, what I had learned
concerning the destruction of their important papers by Japanese
consuls, and stated that because of this and concurrent information
which I had from proved reliable sources that the destruction of such
papers had a very serious intent and that something warlike by Japan was
about to happen somewhere."
General Fielder stated that he was present at the staff conference and
that on December 6 he gave to General Short the information that the
Japanese consul at Honolulu had destroyed his codes and papers. [263]
Colonel Phillips also stated that this information was given by him to
General Short.
The Special Agent in Charge of the FBI stated that on December 3 the
district intelligence officer of the Navy asked him if he could verify
information that the Japanese consul general in Honolulu was burning his
codes and papers; that about 2 hours later the FBI intercepted a
telephone conversation between the cook of the Japanese consulate and a
Japanese in Honolulu in the course of which the cook stated that the
consul general was "burning and destroying all his important papers." He
stated that he immediately gave this information to the district
intelligence officer of the Navy and the assistant G-2 of the Army; and
thereupon sent a dispatch to Director J. Edgar Hoover in Washington:
"Japanese Consul General Honolulu is burning and destroying all
important papers." [264]
In testifying before the Roberts Commission General Short stated that he
received no information from his intelligence officer until after the
attack that the consular records were being burned. He stated: [265]
"As a matter of fact, I didn't know that they had really burned anything
until the time that the FBI arrested them on the 7th; they interrupted
the burning. I wasn't cognizant of the fact that they had burned the
previous day."
Before the committee, however, General Short corrected his former
testimony, stating that he had been advised on the morning of December 6
that the Honolulu consul was burning his papers. [266]
While the evidence would indicate that General Short was advised on
December 6 that the Japanese consul was burning his *codes* and
*papers*, a point has been made by the commanding general that his
information was limited to the fact that the consul was burning his
papers without reference to *codes*. Even conceding this to be true, the
fact that the consul was burning his papers after General Short had been
informed hostilities were possible at any moment was of adequate import
to impress the commanding general with the fact that our relations with
Japan were extraordinarily critical. It is
[262] See affidavit. Dated February 25, 1945, of Colonel Bicknell before
Major Clausen. Committee exhibit No. 148.
[263] See affidavit of Colonel (now General) Kendall J. Fielder dated
May 11, 1945, before Major Clausen.
[264] See affidavit of Robert L. Shivers dated April 10, 1945, before
Major Clausen.
[265] Roberts Commission record, p. 1620.
[266] Committee record, pp. 8398, 8399.
concluded that General Short received prior to the attack substantially
the intelligence concerning the destruction of codes and confidential
papers *by Japanese diplomatic representatives*, although he was not
informed by Admiral Kimmel of the very significant fact that the Navy
Department had issued orders for the destruction of codes *in certain of
our own outlying possessions*.
THE
"LOST" JAPANESE CARRIERS RADIO INTELLIGENCE AT HAWAII
Perhaps the most vital intelligence available to the commander in chief
of the Pacific Fleet indicating Pearl Harbor as a possible point of
attack was that gathered from his own Radio Intelligence Unit at Hawaii.
This unit was engaged in "traffic analyses"; that is, identifying,
locating, and determining the movements of Japanese warships through
their call signals. The location of vessels was effected through radio-
direction methods. [267]
Information of a similar type was contained in dispatches from the Radio
Intelligence Unit in the Philippines and from the Far Eastern Section of
Naval Intelligence in Washington. Fortnightly intelligence bulletins
incorporating information received from the radio intelligence units in
the Philippines and at Pearl Harbor were issued by the Office of Naval
Intelligence. These bulletins were made available to Admiral Kimmel.
Because of conflicting reports that had been received concerning
Japanese naval movements and the further fact that reports received from
the commandant of the Sixteenth Naval District (Philippines) were
considered the most reliable, the Chief of Naval Operations on, November
24 advised the commanders in chief of the Asiatic and Pacific Fleets,
among others, that other reports should be carefully evaluated and sent
to the commandant of the Sixteenth Naval District for action and to the
Office of Naval Operations for information. After combining all incoming
reports the commandant of the Sixteenth Naval District was to direct
dispatches to the Office of Naval Operations with copies to Admiral
Kimmel for information setting forth his evaluation and best possible
continuity. The commandant of the Fourteenth Naval District on November
26 advised the Office of Naval Operations and the commandant of the
Sixteenth Naval District in summary form of information with respect to
Japanese naval movements obtained by the Radio Intelligence Unit at
Pearl Harbor during the preceding month. This dispatch expressed the
belief that a strong concentration of Japanese submarines and air
groups, including at least one carrier division unit (not necessarily a
carrier) and probably one-third of the submarine fleet were located in
the vicinity of the Marshall Islands. The estimate of the situation was
to the effect that a strong force might be preparing to operate in
southeastern Asia, while some units might operate from Paleo and the
Marshalls. On the same day, the Radio Intelligence Unit in the
Philippines advised, among others, the commander in chief of the Pacific
Fleet and the Office of Naval Operations, in commenting on the November
26 dispatch from Hawaii, that traffic analysis for the past few days
indicated that the commander in chief of the Second Fleet (Japanese) was
directing various fleet units in a loose-knit task force that apparently
would be divided into two
[267] See testimony of Capt. Edwin T. Layton, Hewitt Inquiry record, pp.
182-292.
134
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
sections, the first of which was expected to operate in the south China
area, the second, in the Mandates. It was estimated that the second
section included Carrier Division 3 "Ryujo, and one Maru." This dispatch
further pointed out that the commandant of the Sixteenth Naval District
could not confirm the supposition that carriers and submarines in force
were in the Mandated Islands and that his best indications were that all
known carriers were still in the Sasebo-Kure area. The opinion was
expressed that this evaluation was regarded as reliable.
Periodically after November 27, 1941, there were sighting reports from
the Asiatic Fleet as well as from other observers confirming the
movement of important Japanese naval forces southward from Japan. These
reports, however, copies of which were received by Admiral Kimmel, did
not indicate the movement of any Japanese carriers.
The Radio Intelligence Unit at Pearl Harbor continued the practice after
November 27 of preparing daily summaries of the information received
through its traffic analyses of Japanese naval communications. [268]
These summaries were submitted each day to the Fleet Intelligence
Officer, Captain Layton, for transmittal to Admiral Kimmel on the
following morning. On November 28, an intelligence summary, reviewed by
Admiral Kimmel, stated there was no further information concerning the
presence of a carrier division in the Mandates and that "carriers were
still located in home waters." The next day he received the November 28
summary which indicated, among other things, the view that the Japanese
radio intelligence net was operating at full strength upon United States
Naval Communications and "is getting results." There was no information
set forth in the summary with respect to carriers. On the following day,
Admiral Kimmel received the summary dated November 29, indicating that
Carrier Division 3 was under the immediate command of the commander in
chief, Second Fleet. On December 1, Admiral Kimmel received the previous
day's summary which stated with respect to carriers that the presence of
a unit of "plane guard" destroyers indicated the presence of at least
one carrier in the Mandates, although this had not been confirmed. The
Fortnightly Intelligence Summary dated December 1 [269] received by
Admiral Kimmel from the Office of Naval Intelligence in Washington
stated, among other things, with respect to the Japanese naval situation
that " * * * the major capital ship strength remains in home waters, as
well as the greatest portion of the carriers." This summary related to
information obtained during the 2 weeks preceding its date of December 1
and the Washington estimate of the situation was necessarily based on
radio intelligence information received largely from the Philippines and
Hawaii before the sudden and unexplained change in the call signals of
Japanese vessels on December 1. The December 1 summary, which Admiral
Kimmel received from Captain Layton stated that all Japanese service
radio calls of forces afloat had changed promptly at 0000 on December 1;
that previously service calls had been changed after a period of 6
months or more and that calls had been last changed on 1 November 1941.
This summary stated:
"*The fact that service calls lasted only one month indicates an
additional progressive step in preparing for operations on a large
scale*."
[268] For these summaries, see committee exhibits Nos. 115 and 115a.
[269] Committee exhibit No. 80.
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
135
This statement was underlined by Admiral Kimmel. The summary also
stated, among other things, that a large number of submarines were
believed to be east of Yokosuka-Chichijima and Saipan, and that as to
carriers there was "no change."
On December 2, 1941, Admiral Kimmel examined a memorandum which Layton
had prepared on December 1 at his request. This contained Layton's
estimate, on the basis of all available information, concerning the
location of Japanese naval forces. This estimate placed in the Bako-
Takao area Carrier Division 3 and Carrier Division 4, which included
four carriers, and the Kasuga Maru (believed to have been a converted
carrier). The estimate placed one carrier "*Koryu* (?) plus plane
guards" in the Marshalls area.
Layton's written estimate made no mention of Japanese Carrier Divisions
1 and 2, consisting of four carriers. This omission was deliberate, the
reason being that Layton considered the information as to the location
of those carriers was not sufficient to warrant a reliable estimate of
their whereabouts. [270]
On December 2, 1941, according to Captain Layton, he and Admiral Kimmel
had the following conversation: [271]
"Captain LAYTON. As best I recall it, Admiral Kimmel said "What! You
don't know where Carrier Division 1 and Carrier Division 2 are?" and I
replied, "No sir, I do not. I think they are in home waters, but I do
not know where they are. The rest of these units, I feel pretty
confident of their location." Then Admiral Kimmel looked at me, as
sometimes he would, with somewhat a stern countenance and yet partially
with a twinkle in his eye and said, "Do you mean to say that they could
be rounding Diamond Head and you wouldn't know it?" or words to that
effect. My reply was that, "I hope they would be sighted before now," or
words to that effect."
Captain Layton observed that the incident was impressed on his mind and
that Admiral Kimmel was pointing out to him his complete ignorance as to
the location of the Japanese carrier divisions. However, the very
reference by Admiral Kimmel to the carriers rounding "Diamond Head" was
recognition by him of this possibility and his complete lack of
knowledge as to where they might be. Admiral Kimmel and Captain Layton
discussed
"radio intelligence, its faults and its promises, its inexactities and
yet the over-all picture that it will produce. *Whether then or at other
times, we discussed the fact that a force can take sealed orders,
proceed under radio silence and never be detected by visual or other
sighting*. [272]"
The December 2 radio intelligence summary, which was delivered to
Admiral Kimmel on December 3, read as follows:
"Almost a complete blank of information on the carriers today. Lack of
identification has somewhat promoted this lack of information. However,
since over 200 service calls have been partially identified since the
change on the 1st of December and not one carrier call has been
recovered, it is evident that carrier traffic is at a low ebb."
The Radio Intelligence summary delivered to Admiral Kimmel on December 4
stated, in part, "No information on submarines or carriers." The summary
delivered on December 5 contained no mention of carriers. The summary
delivered on December 6 stated "No traffic from the Commander Carriers
or Submarine Force has been seen either."
Other than radio intelligence and sighting reports from other sources,
the only way by which Admiral Kimmel would have obtained in-
[270] See Hewitt Inquiry record, p. 212.
[271] Hewitt Inquiry record, pp. 212, 213.
[272] Testimony of Captain Layton, Hewitt Inquiry record, p. 215.
136
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
formation as to the location or movements of Japanese naval forces from
27 November to 7 December 1941 was by distant air reconnaissance.
Knowledge of the location of Japanese carriers was vital to the
commander in chief of the Pacific Fleet. Two carrier divisions very
definitely could not be located. The service calls of Japanese vessels
were changed on December 1, a most unusual procedure inasmuch as they
had been changed only a month previously on November 1. Admiral Kimmel
fully appreciated the significance of this change and actually
underscored the statement submitted to him: "*The fact that service
calls lasted only one month indicates an additional progressive step in
preparing for operations on a large scale*." It would appear Admiral
Kimmel regarded the preparation to be in anticipation of a Japanese
movement to South East Asia.
The presumption was made that inasmuch as the Japanese carriers could
not be located they were in home waters. It was fully known, however,
that the missing carriers of Japan were not engaged in a movement to the
south since such an operation would be open to visual observation by our
forces in the Philippines as well as by friendly powers. In consequence,
only two reasonable alternatives remained either the carriers were in
home waters or they were engaged in an operation under radio silence in
some direction other than to the south. It was Admiral Kimmel's duty to
be prepared for the alternative most dangerous to him. Had he concluded
that the unusual change in service signals on December 1 clothed a
Japanese major operation, perhaps to the eastward at Hawaii, he could
have predicted within reasonably narrow limits of time as to when such
an attack would come. [273]
Admiral Kimmel has referred to the lack of exactitude of radio
intelligence and the fact that this was not the first instance in which
his staff had been unable to get a line on the location of Japanese
vessels. [273a] Recognizing all of the vagaries of radio intelligence
analysis, however, it was still not in keeping with his responsibility
as commander in chief of the Fleet for Admiral Kimmel to ignore the
sinister implications of the information supplied through the Radio
Intelligence Unit after he had been warned of war. In many respects the
picture presented by radio intelligence was among the most significant
information relating to when and, to a degree, where the Japanese would
possibly attack.
[273] Secretary of the Navy Forrestal observed: "I am of the view that
the information as to the location and movements of the Japanese naval
forces which was received by Admiral Kimmel during the week preceding
the attack, coupled with all the other information which he had
received, including the 'war warning' and other messages from the Chief
of Naval Operations, should have been interpreted as indicating that an
attack on Hawaii was not unlikely and that the time of such an attack
could be predicted within fairly narrow limits." See "Fourth
Endorsement" to report of Navy Court of Inquiry, committee exhibit No.
157.And again: "The
absence of positive information as to the location of
the Japanese carriers, a study of the movement which was possible to
them, under radio silence, through the unguarded areas of the Pacific,
and a due appreciation of the possible effects of an air attack should
have induced Admiral Kimmel to take all practicable precautions to
reduce the effectiveness of such an attack." Id.
[273a] In this regard, Admiral Kimmel stated, among other things: "The
failure to identify Japanese carrier traffic, on and after December
first when the call signs changed, was not an unusual condition. During
the six months preceding Pearl Harbor, there were seven periods of eight
to fourteen days each, in which there was a similar uncertainty about
the location of the Japanese battleships. During the six months
preceding Pearl Harbor, there was an almost continual absence of
positive indications of the locations of the cruisers of the Japanese
First Fleet, and eight periods of ten to twenty days each, in which the
location of the greater number of cruisers of the Japanese Second Fleet
was uncertain. As to the Japanese carriers, during the six months
preceding Pearl Harbor, there existed a total of one hundred and thirty-
four days in twelve separate periods each ranging from nine to twenty-
two days, when the location of the Japanese carriers from radio traffic
analysis was uncertain." Committee record, pp. 6727, 6728.
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
137
THE "MORI CALL"
The Federal Bureau of Investigation on December 6 delivered to
responsible Army and Navy intelligence officers at Hawaii a transcript
of an intercepted trans-Pacific radiotelephone conversation [274]
between a person in Honolulu named "Mori" [275] and an individual in
Japan. The transcript of this conversation indicated, among other
things, that the individual in Japan was interested in the daily flights
of airplanes, particularly large planes, from Honolulu; whether
searchlights were being used; and the number of ships present at Pearl
Harbor. Reference was made during the conversation to various flowers,
[276] the significance of which was not known, but which conceivably
could have been an open code employed to convey information concerning
the presence or absence of fleet vessels to the approaching Japanese
attack force, which could have listened in on the conversation.
Instead of taking action on the basis of the conversation, the office of
the District Intelligence Officer of the Navy decided that it should be
studied further by a Japanese linguist. This was not done until after
the attack and in consequence the transcript of the conversation was not
seen by Admiral Kimmel before December 7. The transcript was delivered
to General Short and his G-2 on the evening of December 6 by Colonel
Bicknell, his assistant G-2, the latter attaching great significance to
the matters discussed. Colonel Bicknell stated that the special agent in
charge of the FBI was alarmed at what he considered the military
implications of the Mori conversation with respect to Pearl Harbor and
that he, Bicknell, concurred in this view, considering the conversation
as very irregular and highly suspicious. He stated, however, that "both
Colonel Fielder and General Short indicated that I was perhaps too
'intelligence conscious' and that to them the message seemed to be quite
in order, and that it was nothing to be excited about." [277] No action
whatever was taken by General Short.
Regardless of what use the Japanese made of the "Mori call," the
conversation should have been, on its very face, of the greatest
significance to the responsible commanders in Hawaii. Members of the
Mori family were the subject of investigation by the FBI, a fact known
to the intelligence offices of both the Army and Navy. An interest by
Japan in the daily flights of "large airplanes" and whether searchlights
were employed could have but one meaning to alert Commanders who were
properly vigilant and should have been prepared for the worst in the
knowledge that hostilities were imminent a desire to know whether air
reconnaissance was being conducted and whether searchlights were
employed for defense against air attack. The undecipherable and
suspicious reference to flowers should have intensified alertness by
reason of the very fact that the true meaning could not be gathered.
*The Mori call pointed directly at Hawaii*.
The decision of the District intelligence Office of the Navy to place
the matter aside for further study was inexcusable and reflects the
apathetic state of alertness throughout the Navy command.
[274] See committee exhibit No. 84 for complete transcript of the
conversation.
[275] The Mori family included Dr. Motokazu Mori, his wife Mrs. Ishiko
Mori, his father Dr. Iga Mori, and his son Victor Motojiro Mori. The
family was the subject of security investigations in Hawaii.
[276] In the course of the conversation the question was asked, "What
kind of dowers are in bloom in Hawaii at present?" The reply was:
"Presently, the flowers in bloom are fewest out of the whole year.
However the hibiscus and the poinsettia are in bloom now."
[277] See affidavit of Col. George W. Bicknell dated February 25, 1945,
before Major Clausen. Committee exhibit No. 148.
138
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
DETECTION
OF JAPANESE SUBMARINE ON MORNING OF DECEMBER
The U. S. S. Condor, a minesweeper, at 3:42 a. m. (Honolulu time)
December 7, reported sighting a submarine periscope off the entrance
buoys to Pearl Harbor in a defensive area where American submarines had
been restricted from operating while submerged. The Condor by visual
signal reported this sighting to the U. S. S. Ward, a destroyer of the
Inshore Patrol between 3:50 and 3:58 a. m. After receiving this
information the Ward searched for the submarine for approximately one
and one-half hours without results. It thereupon contacted the Condor,
inquiring as to the distance and course of the submarine that was
sighted. At 5:20 a. m. the Condor replied but the Ward was unable to
effect the submarine's location on the basis of this information. The
commander of the Ward thought the Condor had been mistaken in concluding
that it had seen a submarine and made no report to higher authority.
[278] The radio conversation between the Ward and the Condor was
overheard and transcribed in the log of the Section Base, Bishop's Point
Oahu, a radio station under the jurisdiction of the Inshore Patrol,
Fourteenth Naval District. Inasmuch as the conversation was solely
between the ships, was not addressed to the Section Base, and no request
was made that it be relayed, the radio station did not report it to
higher authority.
At 6:30 a. m. The U. S. S. Antares, arriving off Pearl Harbor with a
barge in tow, sighted a suspicious object which appeared to be a small
submarine. The Antares notified the Ward, asking it to investigate, and
at approximately 6:33 a. m. observed a Navy patrol plane circle and drop
two "smoke pots" near the object. At 6:40 the Ward sighted an
unidentified submarine apparently following the Antares. The Ward opened
fire at 6:45 and the Antares, observing the fire of the Ward, noted
about the same time that a Navy patrol plane appeared to drop depth
charges or bombs on the submarine. When the submarine keeled over and
started to sink, the Ward ceased firing and then dropped depth charges.
At 6:51 the Ward radioed the Commandant, Fourteenth Naval District: "We
have dropped depth charges upon subs operating in defensive sea area."
The captain of the Ward followed this dispatch with a supplemental
message at 6:53: "We have attacked, fired upon and dropped depth charges
upon submarine operating in defensive sea area." This information was
received by the Chief of Staff to Admiral Bloch at 7:12 and by the Duty
Officer of Admiral Kimmel at 7:15. Admiral Kimmel stated he received
this information between 7:30 and 7:40 a. m.
Admiral Bloch, according to his testimony, was informed by his Chief of
Staff, but in view of numerous previous reports of submarine contacts,
their reaction was that the Ward had probably been mistaken, but that if
it were not a mistake, the Ward and the relief duty destroyer could take
care of the situation; that Admiral Kimmel to whom the information had
been referred had the power to take any action which might be desired.
[279] Admiral Kimmel testified: [280]
"Between 7:30 and 7:40, I received information from the Staff Duty
Officer of the Ward's report, the dispatch of the ready-duty destroyer
to assist the Ward,
[278] See Hewitt inquiry record, pp. 87-92; 428, 429.
[279] Id., at pages 414 416; 452-469. For further details concerning
this incident, see Hewitt inquiry exhibits Nos. 18, 73, 75, and 76.
[280] Committee record, p. 6760-6770.
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
139
and the efforts then underway to obtain a verification of the Ward's
report. I was awaiting such verification at the time of the attack. In
my judgment, the effort to obtain confirmation of the reported submarine
attack off Pearl Harbor was a proper preliminary to more drastic action
in view of the number of such contacts which had not been been verified
in the past."
It is to be noted, however, that in Admiral Kimmel's own statement he
refers to only two reports concerning possible submarine contacts after
November 3 in addition to the Ward incident. He stated: [281]
"* * * On November 28, 1941, the U. S. S. Helena reported that a radar
operator without knowledge of my orders directing an alert against
submarines was positive that a submarine was in a restricted area. A
search by a task group with three destroyers of the suspected area
produced no contacts. During the night of December 2, 1941, the U. S. S.
Gamble reported a clear metallic echo in latitude 20-30, longitude 158-
23. An investigation directed by Destroyer Division Four produced no
conclusive evidence of the presence of a submarine."
The reported sighting of a submarine periscope at 3:42 a. m. on the
morning of December 7, in close proximity to Pearl Harbor, even though
not verified, should have put the entire Navy command on the qui vive
and when at 6:40 a. m. The presence of a submarine was definitely
established, the entire Navy command should have been on a full alert.
In the Martin-Bellinger estimate annexed to the Joint Coastal Frontier
Defense Plan it was pointed out that a single submarine attack may
indicate the presence of a considerable surface force probably composed
of fast ships accompanied by a carrier. Admiral Kimmel in his letter to
the Fleet, 2CL-41 (Revised), *dated October 14, 1941*, made this
identical statement and followed it with the words: [282] "The Task
Force Commander must, therefore, assemble his task groups as quickly as
the situation and daylight conditions warrant *in order to be prepared
to pursue or meet enemy ships that may be located by air search or other
means*."
The evidence does not reflect that the sighting and sinking of a
submarine, particularly in close proximity to Pearl Harbor, was of such
frequent occurrence as to justify the failure to attach significance to
the events of the morning of December 7. This is especially true when it
is realized that a war warning had been received and Admiral Kimmel's
own estimates indicated the extreme significance of submarine activity.
As a matter of fact the Condor and Ward incidents appear to be the
*first* instance of reported sighting and sinking of a submarine since
the critical turn in our negotiations with Japan.
The reported sighting was at 3:42 a. m., *over 4 hours before the
Japanese air force struck*. Appearing before the Roberts Commission,
General Short commented as follows with respect to the Ward incident:
[283]
"That would under the conditions, have indicated to me that there was
danger. The Navy did not visualize it as anything but a submarine
attack. They considered that and sabotage their greatest danger; and it
was Admiral Bloch's duty as Commander of the District to get that
information to me right away. He stated to me in the presence of
Secretary Knox that at the time he visualized it only as a submarine
attack and was busy with that phase of it and just failed to notify me
that he could see then, after the fact, that he had been absolutely
wrong, but that at the time the urgent necessity of getting the
information to me had not at any rate, I did not get the information
until after the attack."
[281] Id, at p. 6769.
[282] Hewitt inquiry exhibit No. 8; committee exhibit No. 44.
[282] Roberts Commission record, p. 311.
140
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
The supposed sighting of a submarine at 3:42 a. m. And the attack upon a
submarine at 6:45 a. m., December 7, should have been recognized as
immediate basis for an all-out alert to meet all military contingencies.
[284]
RADAR DETECTION OF
JAPANESE RAIDING FORCE
The army radar was scheduled for operation on Sunday morning, December 7
from 4 a. m. to 7 a. m. [284a] The normal operation for training
purposes after 7 a. m. Was discontinued for this particular Sunday by
reason of special authorization obtained from the control officer.
At one of the more remote aircraft warning stations, Opana, Privates
Joseph Lockard and George Elliott had been on duty from 4 to 7 a. m.
Inasmuch as they were waiting for the army truck to return them to
quarters for breakfast, it was decided to operate the radar after 7 a.
m. in order that Private Lockard, who was skilled in the operation of
the radar detector, might afford his partner additional instruction. As
the machine was being adjusted, Private Lockard saw on the radar screen
an unusual formation he had not previously seen in the machine. Inasmuch
as the indicator reflected a large number of planes coming in and he was
confident there was nothing like it in the air, he felt that the machine
must be at fault. After additional checking he found, however, that the
machine was operating properly and concluded at 7:02 a. m. that there
was a large number of planes approaching Oahu at a distance of 132 miles
from 3 east of north. [285]
After some discussion concerning the advisability of informing the
information center, Private Lockard called the center at 7:20 a. m.
advising that a large number of planes were heading toward Oahu from the
direction indicated. It is to be noted that, as General Short stated,
"At 7 a. m. all the men at the information center except the telephone
operator had folded up their equipment and left." [286] The switchboard
operator was unable to do anything about the call and accordingly, since
the information center personnel had departed, referred it to Lt. Kermit
A. Tyler, a pursuit officer of the Air Corps whose tour of duty at the
center was until 8 a. m. He was there solely for training and
observation.
Lieutenant Tyler, upon being advised of the approach of a large number
of planes, told Private Lockard in substance and effect to "forget it."
He assumed that the flight indicated was either a naval patrol, a flight
of Hickam Field bombers, or possibly some B-17's from the mainland that
were scheduled to arrive on December 7.
[284] In the light of the known and declared significance to be attached
to the presence of a Japanese submarine in the vicinity of Pearl Harbor,
this committee does not concur in the implications of the conclusion
made by the Navy Court of Inquiry that: "There was nothing, however, in
the presence of a single sub marine in the vicinity of Oahu to indicate
that an air attack on Pearl Harbor was imminent " See Navy Court of
Inquiry report committee exhibit No. 157.
[284a] In the course of examination by Counsel, General Short was asked
it radar was put on the alert after the warning of November 27. General
Short replied: " That was put into alert during. what I considered the
most dangerous hours of the day for an air attack, from 4 o'clock to 7
o'clock a. m. daily."
Asked if just putting the radar into operation as effective without an
Information Center that worked with it, General Short said: " The
information center was working with it." Committee record page 8054.
The evidence reflects that installation of three permanent radar
stations had not been completed. The mobile sets had been in operation,
however, for some time prior to December 7 with very satisfactory
results See in this regard Note 287, infra.
[285] For complete discussion, see testimony of Joseph L. Lockard, Army
Pearl Harbor Board record, pp. 1014-1034; Navy Court of Inquiry record
p. 628-343; testimony of George E. Elliott, Army Pearl Harbor Board
record, pp. 994-1014; Navy Court of Inquiry record, pages 644-659; and
committee record, p. 13380-13499.
[286] Committee record, p. 7976,
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
141
General Short stated: [287]
"If he (Tyler) had alerted the interceptor command there would have been
time if the pursuit squadrons had been alerted, to disperse the planes.
There would not have been time to get them in the air. * * *. It would
have made a great difference in the loss * * *. It would have been a
question of split seconds instead of minutes in getting into action."
In testifying before the joint committee, General Short said: [288]
"If Lieutenant Tyler had realized that the incoming flight was Japanese,
there would have been time to disperse the planes but not to warm up the
engines and get them into the air. Lieutenant Tyler made no report of
this matter to me and as far as I know did not report the incident to
the control officer, Major Tyndall after the information center was
manned about 8:30 a. m. This matter was not brought to my attention
until the next day when it was too late to be of value. Had this
incident been reported to the control officer at 8:30 a. m. on the 7th,
he would have informed the Navy and it might have enabled them to locate
the carriers."
If the Army command at Hawaii had been adequately alerted, Lieutenant
Tyler's position would be indefensible. He was at the information center
for training and observation, had no knowledge on which to predicate any
action, and accordingly should have consulted higher authority. His
fatal estimate "Forget it" was empty assumption. The fact that
Lieutenant Tyler took the step that he did, merely tends to demonstrate
how thoroughly unprepared and how completely lacking in readiness the
Army command really was on the morning of December 7.
Further, the evidence reflects that Privates Lockard and Elliott debated
the advisability of informing the Information Center concerning the
approach of a large number of planes. It would appear that this unusual
information concerning a large number of planes so unusual in fact that
Private Lockard stated he had never before seen such a formation should
have provided immediate and compelling reason for advising the
Information Center had the necessary alert been ordered after the
November 27 warning and the proper alertness pervaded the Army command.
While it was not possible with the then state of radar development to
distinguish friendly planes from hostile planes, this fact is of no
application to the situation in Hawaii; for in a command adequately
alerted to war any presumptions of the friendly or enemy character of
approaching forces must be that they are enemy forces. It is to be noted
General Short has stated that if Lieutenant Tyler had alerted the
interceptor command there would have been time to disperse the planes
and to have reduced the losses. The real reason, however, that the
information developed by the radar was of no avail was the failure of
the commanding general to
[287] Roberts Commission record, pp. 312, 313. However, in a memorandum
dated November 14, 1941, Lt. Col. C . A. Powell, Signal Corps, Hawaiian
Department, stated: "In recent exercises held in the Hawaiian
Department, the operation of the radio set SCR-270 was found to be very
satisfactory. The exercise was started approximately 4:30 in the morning
and with three radio sets in operation. We noted when the planes took
off from the airplane carrier in the oscilloscope. We determined this
distance to be approximately 80 miles, due to the fact the planes would
circle around waiting the assemblage of the remainder from the carrier.
"As soon as the planes were assembled they proceeded toward Hawaii.
*This was very easily determined and within six minutes, the pursuit
aircraft were notified and they took off and intercepted the incoming
bombers at approximately 30 miles from Pearl Harbor* . . ."
A copy of this memorandum was forwarded under date of November 19, 1941,
to Mr. Harvey E. Bundy special assistant to the Secretary of War. See
committee exhibit No. 136.
[288] Committee record, p. 7977.
142
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
order an alert commensurate with the warning he had been given by the
War Department that hostilities were possible at any moment.
OTHER
INTELLIGENCE RECEIVED BY ARMY AND NAVY IN HAWAII
CHANNELS OF INTELLIGENCE
Both the Army and Navy commanders in Hawaii had responsible intelligence
officers whose duty it was to coordinate and evaluate information from
all sources and of all pertinent types for their superiors. The record
reflects full exploitation of all sources for this purpose including the
interview of passengers transiting Hawaii. The record also reflects that
the Federal Bureau of Investigation and other agencies in Hawaii were
supplying Army and Navy intelligence officers with data available. [289]
The Special Agent in Charge of the FBI at Honolulu, for example, stated
that on or about November 28, 1941, he received a radio communication
from Director J. Edgar Hoover to the effect "that peace negotiations
between the United States and Japan were breaking down and to be on the
alert at all times as anything could happen" and that, on the same day,
he delivered this information to responsible Army and Navy intelligence
officers in Hawaii. [290]
THE "MANILA MESSAGE"
Both the Army and Navy intelligence offices received about December 3,
1941, the following dispatch from a British source in Manila through a
British representative in Honolulu: [291]
"We have received considerable intelligence confirming following
developments in Indochina:
A. 1. Accelerated Japanese preparation of airfields and railways.
2. Arrival since Nov. 10 of additional 100,000 repeat
100,000
troops and considerable
quantities fighters, medium bombers,
tanks, and guns (75 mm).
B. Estimates of specific quantities have already been telegraphed
Washington Nov 21 by American Military
Intelligence here.
C. *Our considered opinion concludes that Japan envisages early
hostilities with Britain and U. S. Japan
does not repeat not
intend to attack Russia at present but will
act in South*.
You may inform Chiefs of American Military and Naval Intelligence
Honolulu."
The assistant G-2 of the Hawaiian Department stated he gave the
foregoing intelligence to General Short. [292]
THE HONOLULU PRESS
The information available in the Hawaiian Islands from the press and the
attendant state of the public mind in the days before Pearl Harbor can
to a great extent be gathered from a recitation of the headlines
appearing in Honolulu newspapers. Among the headlines were the
following: [293]
[288a] Illustrative of the insufficiency of the radar alert is the fact
that although the charts plotting the Japanese force in and plotting the
force as it retired were turned over to higher authority during the
course of the attack, this information was not employed to assist in
locating the Japanese task force and it appears no inquiries were made
concerning it for a considerable period of time after the attack.
[289] See testimony of Col. George W. Bicknell before the joint
committee, committee record, pp. 13536-13620.
[290] See affidavit of Robert L. Shivers, dated April 10, 1945, before
Major Clausen; Clausen investigation, pp. 88-91.
[291] See exhibits, Clausen investigation.
[292] See supplemental affidavit of Col. George W. Bicknell, dated
August 14, 1945, before Clausen.
[293] Committee record, p. 13622-13627.
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
143
Honolulu Advertiser
November 7, 1941
"Kurusu Carrying Special Note to F. D. R. From Premier Tojo Japan Ready
to Act Unless Tension Eases."
"Japan Waits Before Move in Far East-Aggression in Pacific Appears
Shelved Until Kurusu's Mission has been Completed in U. S."
"Invasion Held too Difficult by Officials Offensive May Start in Middle
East Soon; Invasion of Continent Impracticable at Present."
November 13, 1941
"Tokyo Radio Asserts War is Already on Any Military Moves Only Logical
Result of Encirclement Policy, Japanese Staff Says."
"Envoy Undismayed Carries Broad Powers to Act Kurusu Denies Taking
Message, Implies Errand of Bigger Scope."
November 14, 1941
"Japanese Confident of Naval Victory."
November 26, 1941
"Americans Get Warning to Leave Japan, China."
"Hull Reply to Japan Ready."
November 27, 1941
"U.S.-Japan Talks Broken Off as Hull Rejects Appeasement Full Surrender
Demanded in U. S. Statement."
"Evacuation Speeded as Peace Fades."
November 28, 1941
"Parris Island, S. C. This is the tail assembly of the captive barrage
balloon at Parris Island, S. C., looking for all the world like an air
monster. The wench controlling it is in the sandbagged structure
protected there from bomb splinters. The helium sausage may be used to
protect beachheads, bridgeheads and other strong points thereby
differing from the British technique which keeps them flying over
London. The marines encamped on Parris Island, S. C., have a special
training school on these balloons."
November 29, 1941
"U. S. Rejects Compromise in Far East-Washington Insists on Maintenance
of Status Quo, Withdrawal from China by Japan Army."
"U. S. Warplanes May Protect Burma Road Protective Force of 200 Planes,
500 Pilots Held Sufficient to Ward Off Attack by Japanese."
November 30, 1941
"Kurusu Bluntly Warned Nation Ready for Battle Foreign Affairs Expert
Attacks Tokyo Madness."
144 PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
"Leaders Call Troops Back in Singapore Hope Wanes as Nations Fail at
Parleys; Nightly Blackouts Held in P. I.; Hawaii Troops alerted."
December 1, 1941
"Japanese Press Warns Thailand."
"Burma Troops Are Reinforced British, Indian Units Arrive Rangoon."
"F. D. R. Hurries to Parleys on Orient Crisis."
December 2, 1941
"Japan Called Still Hopeful of Making Peace with U. S. Thailand Now in
Allied Bloc, Press Charges."
"Japan Gives Two Weeks More to Negotiations Prepares for Action in Event
of Failure."
"Malaya Forces Called to Full Mobilization."
"Quezon Held to Blame in P. I. Defense Delay."
December 3, 1941
"Huge Pincer attack on U. S. by Japan, France Predicted Pepper Visions
Nations Acting as Nazi Pawns."
"U S. Demands Explanation of Japan Moves Americans Prepare for Any
Emergency; Navy Declared Ready."
December 4, 1941
"Hawaii Martial Law Measure Killed for Present Session."
"Japanese Pin Blame on U. S. Army Paper Charges Violation by F. D. R."
December 5, 1941
"Probe of Japanese Activities Here Will Be Made by Senate-Spy Inquiry
Rapidly Gets Tentative O. K. By State Department."
"Pacific Zero Hour Near; Japan Answers U. S. Today."
"Japan Calls in Nationals."
"Japan Has Secret Shanghai Agents."
December 6, 1941
"America Expected to Reject Japan's Reply on Indo China Hull May Ask
Proof, Suggest Troop's Recall."
"Japan Troops Concentrated on Thai Front Military Observers Say Few
Units Have Been Posted in North."
December 7, 1941
"F. D. R. Will Send Message to Emperor on War Crisis-Japanese Deny
Massing Troops for Thai War."
"British Fear Tientsin Row, Call Up Guards May Isolate Concession to
'Prevent' Agitation over U. S.-Japan Rumors."
"Hirohito Holds Power to Stop Japanese Army."
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK 145
Honolulu Star Bulletin
November 10, 1941
"Navy Control for Honolulu Harbor."
December 1, 1941
"U. S. Army Alerted in Manila Singapore Mobilizing as War Tension
Grows."
"Japan Envoys Resume Talks Amid Tension."
December 4, 1941
"Japan Spurns U. S. Program Press Holds Acceptance Not Possible."
December 5, 1941
"Japan Parries Open U. S. Break."
"Further Peace Efforts Urged Tokyo Claims Policy 'Misunderstood' in
Washington as One of Force and Conquest."
December 6,1941
"Singapore on War Footing Sudden Order Calls Troops to Positions State
of Readiness is Completed; No Explanation Given."
"New Peace Effort Urged in Tokyo Joint Commission to Iron Out Deadlock
with U. S. Proposed."
It would seem difficult to imagine how anyone upon reading the
newspapers alone [294] could have failed to appreciate the increasing
tenseness of the international situation and the unmistakable signs of
war.[295]
THE ROLE OF ESPIONAGE IN THE
ATTACK
It has been suggested that Admiral Kimmel and General Short should be
charged with knowledge that the Japanese were conducting extensive
espionage activity in Hawaii and by reason thereof they should have
exercised greater vigilance commensurate with the realization that Japan
knew everything concerning the fleet, the fleet base and the defenses
available thereto. Implicit in this suggestion is the assumption that
superior intelligence possessed by Japan concerning Pearl Harbor
conditioned her decision to strike there or,
[294] Referring to the commanding general of the Hawaiian Department,
Secretary Stimson expressed this idea in the following terms:
"Even without any such message (the War Department dispatch of November
7) the outpost commander should have been on the alert. If he did not
know that the relations between Japan and the United States were
strained and might be broken at any time, he must have been almost the
only man in Hawaii who did not know it, for the radio and the newspapers
were blazoning out those facts daily, and he had a chief of staff and an
intelligence officer to tell him so. And if he did not know that the
Japanese were likely to strike without warning, he could not have read
his history of Japan or known the lessons taught in the Army schools in
respect to such matters." Statement of Mr. Stimson, committee record, p.
14408.
[295] Both Admiral Kimmel and General Short have made a point of the
fact that after the warnings of November 27 they were dependent on the
newspapers for information concerning the state of negotiations and from
the press, gathered that the conversations were still continuing. It is
to be recalled, however, that the "code destruction" intelligence was
made available after November 27 and indicated with unmistakable clarity
that effective negotiations were at an end. In any event it would appear
anomalous that the commanding general of the Hawaiian Department and the
commander in chief of the Pacific Fleet would permit unofficial
newspaper accounts to take precedence over official War and Navy
Department dispatches, setting forth the break-down in negotiations.
Admiral Kimmel, himself, admitted that he did not act on newspaper
information in preference to official information supplied to him by the
Navy Department, after having previously observed that he obtained a
major portion of his "diplomatic information from the newspapers."
See
Navy Court of Inquiry record, pp. 306, 307.
146
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
otherwise stated, that Japan would not have attacked Pearl Harbor on the
morning of December 7 if she had not the benefit of unusual and superior
intelligence. Virtually every report that has been heretofore prepared
concerning the disaster has referred to the probability of supposed
extensive espionage activity in Hawaii and the peculiar vulnerability of
the fleet base to such activity by reason of the surrounding mountainous
terrain. [296]
There is evidence before the committee, however, which reveals several
salient considerations indicating that Japanese Hawaiian espionage was
not particularly effective and that from this standpoint there was
nothing unusual about the Hawaiian situation. It is clear beyond
reasonable doubt that superior Japanese intelligence had nothing
whatever to do with the decision to attack Pearl Harbor. Among the
considerations giving rise to this conclusion are the following:
1. Radar equipment was available on Oahu for use in detecting
approaching planes. That Japan knew of radar and its capabilities would
seem clear if for no other reason than on November 22 her consul in
Panama advised her that the United States had set up airplane detector
bases and "some of these detectors are said to be able to discover a
plane 200 miles away." [297] The attacking force was actually detected
through radar over 130 miles from Oahu. Had Japanese espionage developed
the fact that radar was in use at Hawaii and so advised Tokyo of that
fact, it would seem unlikely that the attacking planes would have come
in for the raid at high altitude but, on the other hand, would have
flown a few feet above the water in order to take advantage of the radar
electrical horizon presupposing of course that Japan possessed at least
an elementary working knowledge of radar and its potentialities.
2. Perhaps the greatest single item of damage which the attacking force
could have inflicted on Oahu and our potential for effectively
prosecuting the war would have been to bomb the oil-storage tanks around
Pearl Harbor. [298] These tanks were exposed and visible from the air.
Had they been hit, inexplicable damage would have resulted. Considering
the nature of installations that were struck during the attack, it is
questionable whether Japanese espionage had developed fully the
extraordinary vulnerability of the oil storage to bombing and its
peculiar and indispensable importance to the fleet.
3. The evidence before the Committee reflects that other Japanese
consulates were supplying Tokyo as much information as the Honolulu
consulate. [299] Information supplied by the Manila and Panama consuls
was detailed in character and related meticulously to defenses available
and those in process of development. It appears that it was not until a
few days before December 7 that the Honolulu consul supplied his
Japanese superiors any significant information concerning the defenses
of Oahu, and
[296] See reports of Army Pearl Harbor Board and Navy Court of Inquiry,
committee exhibit No. 157.
[297] Committee exhibit No. 2, p. 49.
[298] Admiral Bloch pointed out that, had the Japanese attacked the oil
supply at Oahu, the dry-dock repair shop, barracks, and other facilities
instead of the airfields and the ships of the fleet, the United States
would have suffered more insofar as the prosecution of the war was
concerned. See Hart inquiry record, p. 94. It is, of course, known that
the Japanese knew generally as to the location of the oil-storage tanks
as reflected by a map recovered after the attack. See Hewitt inquiry,
exhibit No. 30.
[299] From evidence before the Committee it appears that the Manila and
Panama consuls were supplying Tokyo more information and of a type far
more indicative of an attack than that received concerning Hawaii. See
section "Ships in Harbor Reports," Part IV, infra, this report.
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
147
at a time when the attacking force was already on its way to Pearl
Harbor. [300]
4. The Japanese task force left Hitokappu Bay on November 25 with
December 7 set as the time for the attack. This departure, it would seem
clear, was in anticipation of the failure to secure concessions from the
United States through further negotiations. The date December 7 had been
recognized as suitable for the attack in discussions prior to November
7. It is hardly credible that superior intelligence should have
precipitated or otherwise conditioned the attack when the decision to
strike on December 7 was made many days earlier and, manifestly, in the
interim between the decision and the attack date the entire defensive
situation at Hawaii could have changed. [301] As a matter of fact two of
our task forces left Pearl Harbor while the raiders were en route for
the attack.
5. It is apparent from the evidence obtained through Japanese sources
since VJ-day that the decision to attack on December 7 was made on the
basis of the general assumption that units of the fleet ordinarily came
into Pearl Harbor on Friday and remained over the week end. [302]
With
this realization providing adequate odds that substantial units of the
Pacific Fleet would-be in Pearl Harbor on Sunday, December 7, that date
was selected.
6. In February of 1941 Admiral Yamamoto is reported to have stated,
"If we have war with the United States we will have no hope of winning
unless the U. S. Fleet in Hawaiian waters can be destroyed. [303]"
This statement is clearly in line with the premise laid down by several
witnesses before the committee that Japan would open her attack on us by
hitting our Pacific Fleet wherever it might be whether at Pearl Harbor,
Manila, Panama, or on the west coast in order to immobilize it as a
threat to Japanese moves to the south. [304] The fleet happened to be
based at Pearl Harbor and in consequence that was where Japan struck.
7. The "Mori call," to which reference has heretofore been made, was on
the evening of December 5. It would appear doubtful that Japan should
have been seeking information just before the attacking the rather
inexpert manner displayed in the call if she possessed any wealth of
intelligence gleaned through espionage agents in Hawaii.
8. Investigation conducted in Japan since VJ-day indicates as a matter
of fact, that espionage agents, apart from the consul and his staff,
played no role whatever in the attack. [305] The sources of information
employed, according to Japanese interviewed, were naval attaches to the
Japanese Embassy in Washington, public newspapers in the United States,
American radio broadcasts (public), crews and passengers on ships which
put in at Honolulu, and general information. [306]
[300] See committee exhibit No. 2.
[301] Committee exhibit No. 8.
[302] Id.
[303] Committee exhibit No. 8D.
[304] See testimony of Capt. Arthur McCollum, committee record, pp.
9115-9288; testimony of Capt. Ellis Zacharias, committee record, pp.
8709-8778, 8909 9044.
[305] See committee exhibit No. 8. Also note 6, Part II, this report.
[306] Id.
148
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
9. As late as December 2, Tokyo was solicitously asking its Honolulu
consul
"whether or not there are any observation balloons above Pearl Harbor or
if there are any indications they will be sent up. Also advise me
whether the warships are provided with antimine nets. [307]"
On December 6, the Honolulu Consul advised Tokyo:
"In my opinion the battleships do not have torpedo nets. The details are
not known. I will report the results of my investigation. [308]"
The foregoing is hardly indicative of any superior sources or facilities
for obtaining intelligence. It is reported that the decision to employ a
horizontal-bombing attack on Pearl Harbor in conjunction with an air-
torpedo attack was for the reason that Tokyo could not determine whether
ships at Pearl Harbor were equipped with torpedo nets and the horizontal
bombing could be depended upon to inflict some damage if the torpedo
attack failed. [309]
10. In planning for the attack, Japan made elaborate precautions to
protect the raiding task force which was of itself very formidable,
probably more so as a striking force than the entire fleet based at
Pearl Harbor. A large striking force was held in readiness in the Inland
Sea to proceed to assist the raiding force if the latter were detected
or attacked. [310] It is proper to suggest that such precautions would
seem unlikely and misplaced if Japan had known through superior
espionage information that there was no air or other reconnaissance from
Oahu and the defenses were not properly alerted. The evidence reflects
that the raiding task force probably determined the extent of
reconnaissance through plotting in our plane positions with radio
bearings. Further, the Japanese force followed the broadcasts from
Honolulu commercial radio stations on the theory that if the stations
were going along in their normal manner, the Hawaiian forces were still
oblivious to developments. [311]
11. In moving in for the attack on December 7, the Japanese ran the risk
of tipping over the apple cart by sending out scouting planes a
considerable period of time ahead of the bombers. [312] They took
the
further risk of having several submarines in the operating sea areas
around Pearl Harbor. If Japan had possessed extraordinary intelligence
concerning the state of Hawaiian defenses or lack thereof, it would seem
improbable that she would have invited disaster by taking such risks.
12. Reference has been made to the large number of semiofficial consular
agents that were stationed in Hawaii, the implication being they were
engaged in widespread espionage activity Yet the facts before the
committee reflect no evidence that these agents committed a single act
of espionage, except as it may be inferred from the information sent by
the Honolulu consul to Tokyo, which as will be indicated was no more
extensive than was being received from other consulates.
[307] See committee exhibit No. 2, p. 21.
[308] Id., at pp. 27, 28.
[309] See committee exhibit No. 8.
[310] Id.
[311] See committee exhibit No. 8D.
[312] Id.
PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
149
13. It would seem likely that Japan expected some of the most effective
striking units of the Pacific Fleet, particularly the carriers, to be in
Pearl Harbor at the time of the attack. The raiders, for example, as
testified by Admiral Kimmel, bombed a vessel with lumber on its upper
deck, apparently thinking it was a carrier. In the light of
retrospection and the experiences of the war, it is suggested that Japan
would not have indulged the Pyrrhic victory of destroying our lumbering
battleships if she had not also hoped to find the fast striking units of
the fleet.
14. Japanese estimates in the late fall of 1941 as to the disposition of
United States air strength in the Pacific were, with respect to Hawaii,
as follows: Fighter planes, 200; small attack planes, 150; 4-engine
planes, 40; 2-engine planes, 100; reconnaissance and patrol planes, 35;
and flying boats, 110, for a total of 635 planes. [312a] This estimate
is roughly twice that of the actual number of planes at Hawaii and
reflects a thoroughly erroneous impression as to the ratio of planes in
a particular category. The inability to make an approximation of enemy
strength within more narrow limits of exactitude can hardly be credited
as superior intelligence.
15. In the last analysis it is difficult to believe that Japanese
espionage was actually able to develop satisfactorily the real strength
of our Pacific Fleet. In December of 1941 the Japanese fleet was
superior to our fleet in the Pacific. The latter would have been unable,
based on the testimony of witnesses questioned on the subject, to have
proceeded, for example, to the aid of General MacArthur in the
Philippines even had Pearl Harbor not been attacked. Our war plan in the
Pacific, particularly in the early stages, was essentially defensive in
character, save for sporadic tactical raids.
If the Japanese really knew the weakness of the Pacific Fleet they must
also have known that it did not present a formidable deterrent to
anything Japan desired to do in the Far East. As already suggested, the
question presents itself: *Why, if Japanese espionage in Hawaii was
superior, would Japan invite the unqualified wrath of the American
people, weld disunited American public opinion, and render certain a
declaration of war by the Congress through a sneak attack on Pearl
Harbor when the only real weapon we had, our Pacific Fleet, presented
itself no substantial obstacle to what Japan had in mind*? A logical
answer would seem to be that Japan had not been able to determine and,
in consequence, was not cognizant of our real naval weakness in the
Pacific.[312b] The extremely large raiding force and the excessive
number of attacking planes would appear to be further confirmation of
this conclusion.
[312a] See War Department memorandum dated May 21, 1946, transmitting a
letter of the same date from Commander Walter Wilds, Office of the
Chairman of the United States Strategic Bombing Survey. Committee
record, p. 14626.
[312b] When questioned as to the deterring effect the Pacific Fleet
based at Pearl Harbor in December 1941 might have on Japanese aggressive
action in the Far East, Admiral Ingersoll declared: "The Pacific Fleet
had no train, it had no transports, it did not have sufficient oilers to
leave the Hawaiian Islands on an offensive campaign and Japan knew it
just as well as we did and she knew that she could make an attack in the
area in which she did, that is, Southeast Asia and the Philippines, with
impunity." Committee record, p. 11370.
It appears that the statement by Admiral Ingersoll concerning his
estimate of Japanese knowledge concerning the capacity of the Pacific
Fleet is illogical and completely incompatible with the risks entailed
by Japan in attacking Pearl Harbor. During the war games carried on at
the Naval War College, Tokyo, from September 2 to 13, 1941, *it was
assumed that the Pearl Harbor Striking Force would suffer the loss of
one-third of its participating units; it was specifically assumed that
one AKAGI class carrier, and one SORYU class carrier would be lost*. See
committee record, p. 457.
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