1. *Charles & Sam Wyly (Dallas): 
      $210,273
      These brothers own diverse companies, including Maverick Capital Fund, 
      which received a lucrative University of Texas Investment Management Co. 
      contract to invest UT funds in ’98. Both were members of GHWB’s Team 100, 
      a precursor of Bush’s fundraising “Pioneers.” 
      2. *Louis Beecherl, Jr & III (Dallas): 
      $154,000
      Louis Beecherl, Jr., was a top cheerleader for a record $380 million 
      Dallas bond initiative to dam the Trinity River. Critics call it a 
      boondoggle that will line the pockets of Beecherl and the other project 
      boosters who own adjacent lands. 
      3. *Tom & R. Steven Hicks (Dallas): 
      $146,000
      Tom Hicks is a corporate raider at Hicks Muse Tate & Furst (other name 
      partners gave GWB $58,000). He made GWB’s fortune when he bought the Texas 
      Rangers for $250 million in ’99. After GWB’s election, UT Regents set up 
      the University of Texas Investment Management Co. and made Hicks chair; 
      lucrative UT investment contracts then flowed to firms tied to Hicks and 
      his brother, who headed Capstar Broadcasting. 
      4. *Tom Loeffler (San Antonio): 
      $141,000 
      This Arter & Hadden lobbyist co-chaired GHWB’s Team 100, a Pioneers 
      precursor. A University of Texas Investment Management Co. (UTIMCO) 
      director, Loeffler voted for the UTIMCO contract for Maverick Capital (see 
      the Wylies above) at a UTIMCO meeting that Tom Hicks hosted on symbolic 
      ground: the Rangers’ Ballpark. To see what GWB’s administration did for an 
      Arter & Hadden client, see W. James Jonas, No. 50. 
      5. Peter O’Donnell, Jr. (Dallas): 
      $141,000 
      A retired banker who once chaired the Texas GOP, O’Donnell has 
      acknowledged that the CIA used his O’Donnell Foundation as a secret 
      funding conduit. 
      6. Lonnie ‘Bo’ Pilgrim (Pittsburg, TX): 
      $125,000 
      This poultry king doled out $10,000 checks to state senators on the Senate 
      floor in ’89 to gut workers’ compensation laws. His company has attracted 
      more than $500,000 in pollution fines in the last decade. Now Pilgrim 
      wants to inject 500 gallons of chicken waste a minute into underground 
      wells. Critics say it will endanger local water quality. 
      7. *Kenneth & Linda Lay (Houston): 
      $122,500 
      Lay’s Enron gas hired two GHWB cabinet members as they left office (see 
      James Baker, No. 56, and Robert Mosbacher, No. 30). After GHWB’s ’93 Gulf 
      War victory tour of Kuwait, several members of his entourage, including 
      Baker, stayed on to hustle Enron contracts. The Clinton administration 
      also threatened to cut Mozambique’s aid in ’95 if it did not give Enron a 
      contract. Former Enron president Richard Kinder also gave GWB $119,409.
      
      8. Ray L. Hunt (Dallas): $105,000
      
      Oil heir Hunt and Dallas’ city manager secretly planned the $210 million 
      Reunion development for a year before briefing the city council. Hunt was 
      the sole bidder for this private-public deal that appeared to be written 
      by Hunt’s lawyers. Hunt hired John Scovell ($1,000 to GWB) to head his 
      development company. Scovell’s father sat on Dallas committees that 
      selected Reunion as the site of a new sports arena. 
      9. David H. Dewhurst III (Houston): 
      $105,000 
      An ex-CIA operative, Dewhurst made a fortune at Falcon Seaboard oil, where 
      he paid $1 million to settle fraud and embezzlement charges by business 
      partners. Dewhurst personally guaranteed $4 million in loans to his 
      successful ’98 Texas General Land Commissioner campaign. His primary 
      opponent said Dewhurst offered to bankroll his campaign, too—if he would 
      run for another office. 
      10. Richard E. Rainwater (Ft. Worth): 
      $100,000 
      Rainwater was a key investor in the Texas Rangers and Columbia/HCA 
      Healthcare, which the government is investigating on Medicare fraud 
      charges (see Richard Scott, No. 65). GWB received $37,500 from executives 
      of Rainwater’s Crescent Real Estate (see Gerald Haddock, No. 33), which 
      bought two buildings from the state in ’96 at bargain-basement prices. 
      GWB’s personal blind trust invested in Crescent during his first term.
      
      11. William A. McMinn (Brenham): 
      $100,000 
      McMinn works with Sterling Chemical and the Sterling Group, whose 
      principals have contributed $251,000 to GWB. The Sterling Group buys and 
      sells chemical companies. Sterling Chemical releases 11 million pounds of 
      toxic chemicals a year, chiefly from its Texas City plant, which is in a 
      neighborhood that is 88 percent African American. 
      12. William L. Hutchison (Dallas): 
      $100,000 
      This head of Hutchison Energy conspired with ex-Governor Bill Clements 
      (No. 23) and others in a scandal involving six-figure payments to Southern 
      Methodist University athletes. The scandal triggered the toughest 
      enforcement penalties in NCAA history. 
      13. Harold Simmons (Dallas): $90,000
      
      This corporate raider is a recidivist violator of federal campaign 
      contribution limits. His companies have a history of raiding worker 
      pension funds and despoiling the environment. Simmons’ chemical arm, NL 
      Industries, has been named as potentially responsible for three Superfund 
      sites. His Waste Control Specialists wants to dump nuclear waste in West 
      Texas (see Kent Hance, No. 18). 
      14. J. Virgil Waggoner (Houston): 
      $85,000 
      Waggoner is vice chair of toxic polluter Sterling Chemical (see William 
      McMinn, No. 11). 
      15. James Leininger (San Antonio): 
      $82,750 
      A maker of oscillating hospital beds, Leininger became a “tort reformer” 
      when plaintiffs said the beds dropped them, crushed them or sprayed them 
      with silicone. A fundraising letter revealed in ’98 that his school 
      voucher PAC was working with Texans for Lawsuit Reform to topple Texas’ 
      House Speaker. Leininger’s Christian–right telemarketing firm got 
      corporate welfare from Canton, Texas as a condition of locating there.
      
      16. “Tex” Moncrief, Jr. (Ft. Worth): 
      $75,927 
      IRS agents raided Moncrief Oil in ’94, seeking evidence of an alleged $100 
      million tax fraud. U.S. Senators made donor Moncrief a star witness in a 
      ’98 hearing on IRS abuses. The senators failed to mention that Tex had 
      agreed to one of the largest individual tax settlements in history. 
      
      17. S. Reed Morian (Houston): $56,050
      
      Morian’s Dixie Chemical spewed 68,343 pounds of toxic waste into Texas 
      skies in ‘97. The EPA sued Dixie—and Harold Simmons’ (No. 13) Baroid Corp 
      and NL Industries—in ‘91 as “potentially responsible” for a 
      70-million-gallon toxic Superfund site. 
      18. *Kent Hance (Austin): $51,000
      
      Hance is a lobbyist and ex-Congressman who invested in Waste Control 
      Specialists (WCS). WCS lost a’95 battle for permission to dump nuclear 
      waste in West Texas. After Harold Simmons (No. 13) bought a controlling 
      interest, however, WCS won a victory. In ’99, GWB’s Natural Resource 
      Conservation Commissioners nixed plans for a competing state-run nuclear 
      dump. 
      19. Dan W. Cook, III (Dallas): $49,600
      
      A Goldman Sachs partner, Cook was a top fundraiser for Texas Senator Kay 
      Bailey Hutchison’s ‘90 state treasurer race. When Hutchison became 
      treasurer she gave Cook’s firm a $300 million contract to sell state 
      bonds. 
      20. *J. Huffines, Jr. & Family 
      (Dallas): $42,500 
      J.L. Huffines, Jr. and family own a string of Dallas-area car dealerships 
      and part of the Dallas Cowboys. Huffines and Thomas A. O’Dwyer ($1,000 to 
      GWB) were accused of meeting to organize a secret Texas A&M “slush fund” 
      for football players. The men denied the accusations, but the NCAA 
      severely punished the team for the scandal. James Huffines is a GWB 
      Pioneer. 
      21. Paul J. Meyer, Sr. (Waco): $41,500
      
      Meyer’s SMI/USA sells self-improvement tapes through franchises. Meyer and 
      SMI paid $300,000 in ’95 to settle federal charges that they had misled 
      their franchise salespeople for decades about how much they could earn 
      hawking the tapes. 
      22. Gordon Cain (Houston): $41,000
      
      Cain is the founder of the Sterling Group, which is associated with a 
      string of polluting chemical companies (see William McMinn, No. 11).
      
      23. William & Rita Clements (Dallas): 
      $40,106 
      Ex-Governor Bill Clements founded SEDCO oil company and was Nixon’s Acting 
      Secretary of Defense. Clements and others conspired in a scandal involving 
      six-figure payments to Southern Methodist University athletes, prompting 
      the only “death penalty” in NCAA history. Clements and his co-conspirators 
      then covered up the scandal to protect his gubernatorial campaign. GWB 
      appointed Clements’ wife as a UT Regent. 
      24. Scott A. Beck (Golden, CO): $40,000
      
      Beck took Boston Chicken (BC) on a rapid-growth binge that ended in 
      company bankruptcy in ’98. Investors were hoodwinked by strong BC revenue 
      reports; most of this revenue came from repayments of loans BC made to 
      franchises to keep them afloat. 
      25. Woody L. Hunt (El Paso): $39,000
      
      GWB appointed the owner of Hunt Building as a UT Regent. The federal 
      government sued the firm for Air Force housing that it said was 50 percent 
      uninhabitable and could not withstand South Dakota winds. Hunt settled for 
      $8.8 million in ‘99. 
      26. David/Charles Koch (Wichita, KS): 
      $25,000 
      Koch Industries oil spills trigger repeated lawsuits; the State of Texas 
      is suing the company. It paid $10.5 million in ’98 to settle a fishery 
      lawsuit that followed its spill of crude into Nueces Bay. A federal jury 
      ruled in ’99 that Koch should pay $553,504 for oil it pilfered from Indian 
      lands. 
      27. A. Glenn Braswell (Miami, FL): 
      $25,000 
      This “VITA Industries” donor appears to be the man who Quackwatch says, 
      “probably set a record as the person against whom the Postal Service filed 
      the largest number of health-related false representation claims.” A. 
      Glenn Braswell pled guilty to faking before-and-after photos for baldness 
      and bust-enhancement remedies. 
      28. Kenneth N. Bigham (Houston): 
      $25,000 
      Bigham is president of Waste Control Specialists, which wants to dump 
      nuclear waste in West Texas (see Kent Hance, No. 18). 
      29. William N. Lehrer (Garwood): 
      $24,500 
      Lehrer’s Garwood Irrigation owns vast Colorado River water rights. To sell 
      $16 million worth to Corpus Christi, Garwood required a “water-transfer” 
      permit from GWB’s Texas Natural Resources Conservation Commissioners (TNRCC). 
      The TNRCC granted the permit soon after Garwood lobbyist Neal Jones 
      ($2,500 to GWB) hired the TNRCC’s director to lobby for him. 
      30. Robert Mosbacher Jr/Sr (Houston): 
      $24,000 
      Robert Mosbacher, Sr. and James A. Baker, III (No. 56), became paid Enron 
      consultants upon exiting the revolving door in GHWB’s cabinet. 
      31. Jim Bob Moffett (New Orleans, LA): 
      $21,000 
      Moffett’s Freeport-McMoRan operates the world’s biggest gold mine in 
      Indonesia, where it had cozy relations with Suharto’s dictatorship. 
      Freeport lavished Suharto cronies with gifts and financed Indonesian 
      troops, which have been implicated in the deaths of dozens of indigenous 
      people who resisted expansion of the polluting mine. 
      32. Othal E. Brand (McAllen): $21,000
      
      This Rio Grande Valley produce magnate made national news brandishing a 
      gun against striking farm workers. Appointed to a state pesticide board by 
      ex-Governor Clements (No. 23), he dismissed a proposed chlordane ban, 
      saying, “Sure, it’s going to kill a lot of people, but they may be dying 
      of something else anyway.” As McAllen mayor, Brand solved the colonias 
      problem with an ordinance prohibiting slum residents from complaining 
      about bad housing or water. 
      33. Gerald W. Haddock (Ft. Worth): 
      $21,000 
      GWB received $37,500 from four executives of Richard Rainwater’s (No. 10) 
      Crescent Real Estate, led by CEO Haddock. GWB approved the sale of two 
      state office buildings to Crescent in ’96 at a large loss to taxpayers.
      
      34. Michael C. Mewhinney (Dallas): 
      $20,000 
      A Texas Rangers investor, Mewhinney left Barrow, Hanley, Mewhinney & 
      Strauss, in ’99 to join GWB’s presidential campaign. Mewhinney’s firm got 
      a lucrative ’97 contract to manage part of the state’s Permanent School 
      Fund (partner James Barrow also gave GWB $10,000). 
      35. Vance C. Miller (Dallas): $20,000
      
      Miller heads a huge real estate brokerage. Federal bill collectors have 
      been seeking $23 million from him for a decade to cover his guarantees of 
      bad real estate loans. “I take a dim view of people who do not pay their 
      bills,” Federal District Judge Joe Fish told Miller in ‘98. “Especially 
      when no effort seems to have been made to pay.” 
      36. William & George Hume (SF, CA): 
      $20,000 
      The Humes founded Basic American Foods. They were big funders of 
      California’s Prop 226, which would have required labor unions to get 
      permission from each member before contributing their dues to political 
      campaigns. Conservative school board candidates put the ’98 initiative on 
      the ballot after teacher unions backed their opponents. 
      37. *Marshall B. Payne (Dallas): 
      $20,000 
      Payne is a partner in Cardinal Investment Co. with Edward “Rusty” Rose 
      ($40,805 to GWB). Their other business investments include: the Texas 
      Rangers; defense contractor Sierra Technologies; and Ace Cash Express, 
      which cashes checks for the working poor for 3% to 6% of face value.
      
      38. Roy Huffington family (Houston): 
      $18,000 
      Huffington’s Huffco made a huge Indonesian gas strike in ’72. Huffco sent 
      the Suharto dictatorship illegal shipments of billy clubs and shock batons 
      in the ‘80s, which spoiled Reagan’s plans to make Roy’s son an assistant 
      secretary of Commerce. Michael Huffington then shattered campaign-spending 
      records trying to be a California Senator. 
      39. Robert McDermott (San Antonio): 
      $18,000 
      McDermott owned the San Antonio Spurs and was CEO of insurer United 
      Services Automobile Association (USAA). USAA got exempted from a ’95 state 
      law to discourage insurers from racial discrimination. A legislator also 
      credited USAA for getting GWB to veto a ‘97 insurance bill. 
      40. Steven D. Bedowitz (Irving): 
      $17,000 
      Bedowitz headed Amre aluminum siding company, which produced what the New 
      York Times called, “one of the great accounting frauds of the 1980s.” In 
      ‘92, Bedowitz settled federal charges that Amre inflated financial reports 
      to investors. 
      41. Charles Cawley (Wilmington, DE) 
      $16,215 
      Cawley is CEO of a huge credit card company. He and 55 other MBNA 
      executives and managers gave GWB $115,556. Half this money moved in ’98, 
      when the industry that distributes credit cards like candy urged Congress 
      to punish “irresponsible” consumers who declare bankruptcy. 
      42. *Wayne Berman (Washington, DC): 
      $16,000 
      Berman is a lobbyist and ex-GHWB assistant secretary of commerce. An 
      ex-Connecticut state treasurer recently pled guilty to corruption charges 
      involving politicians and lobbyists who took “finder’s fees” from firms to 
      which he gave contracts to manage state pension funds. Berman reportedly 
      landed a $900,000 fee and hired the corrupt ex-treasurer as a lobbyist. 
      After reports of this scandal, Berman has reportedly suspended Pioneer 
      fundraising, but the GWB campaign has not returned the $100,000 or more he 
      raised. 
      43. D. Andrew Beal (Dallas): $16,000
      
      Beal founded Beal Bank of Dallas and Beal Aerospace Technologies, which 
      wants to build a private satellite launch pad on the Caribbean’s Sombrero 
      Island. Critics say this endangers the island’s brown booby nesting 
      population and a lizard species found nowhere else on the planet. 
      
      44. Robert Dedman, Jr. & Sr. (Dallas): 
      $15,591 
      The Dedmans’ Club Corp. is the world's biggest resort chain. In ‘97, 
      Dedman, Sr., gave $3 million to UT for stadium improvements. In a rare 
      move, UT did not publicize the gift, which came at a time when Club Corp. 
      was the sole bidder for a $10 million contract to run a private club at 
      UT’s football stadium. Club Corp. got the contract. 
      45. *Teel Bivins & Family (Amarillo): 
      $15,500 
      State Senator Teel Bivins is an overzealous GWB Pioneer. In ’99, he wrote 
      state legislators in 50 states telling them they could legally transfer 
      $1,000 from their war chests to GWB’s. Such diversions are illegal in at 
      least four states. 
      46. James R. Lightner (Dallas): $15,000
      
      Lightner founded defense contractor Electrospace Systems. He funds Texans 
      for Lawsuit Reform and ex-Ku Klux Klan Grand Wizard David Duke. 
      
      47. *Jim/Charles Francis (DC/Dallas): 
      $14,000 
      Charles Francis of State Affairs public relations recruited Ken Hoagland 
      as a Texas spinmeister for Big Tobacco. When State Affairs formed the 
      National Smokers Alliance (NSA), it tried to recruit Francis’ brother, 
      Jim, to its Texas board. Jim oversees GWB’s Pioneers and is the GWB- 
      appointed chair of the Texas Department of Public Service. 
      48. William & Mary Ceverha (Dallas): 
      $14,000 
      Revolving-door lobbyist William Ceverha championed the biggest taxpayer 
      boondoggle in Dallas history (see Louis Beecherl, Jr., No. 2). His wife is 
      vice chair of the Texas Board of Health, which sold out consumers to the 
      diet supplement industry in ‘99 (see W. James Jonas, No. 50). 
      49. John C. Goff (Ft. Worth): $13,500
      
      GWB received $37,500 from four executives of Rainwater’s Crescent Real 
      Estate, led by President Goff (a Texas Rangers investor) and CEO Gerald W. 
      Haddock (No. 33). GWB approved the sale of two state office buildings to 
      Crescent in ’96 at a large taxpayer loss. 
      50. W. James Jonas, III: (San Antonio): 
      $12,700 
      As Texas prepared to regulate the weight-loss supplement ephedrine (linked 
      to eight Texas deaths), vendor Metabolife hired Arter & Hadden lobbyist 
      Jonas and his partner Jeff Wentworth ($5,500 to GWB), who is a state 
      Senator with influence over the health agency’s budget. These lawyers and 
      Metabolife President Michael J. Ellis No. 82) all moved same-day “bundled” 
      contributions of $2,500 or more to GWB in October ‘98. In early ’99, GWB’s 
      Health Commissioner, Reyn Archer, and the Texas Board of Health approved 
      indulgent ephedrine rules that mirrored a draft supplied by the industry.
      
      51. Robert Brittingham Family (Dallas): 
      $12,500 
      Robert and Jack Brittingham sold one of the nation’s largest ceramic tile 
      companies 
      for $650 million in ‘90. Robert Brittingham was convicted in ’93 for 
      illegally dumping Dal-Tile lead wastes. A federal judge fined him $4 
      million dollars—then the largest environmental fine ever levied on an 
      individual. 
      52. Robert & W. B. Waltrip (Houston): 
      $11,100 
      Waltrip owns SCI, the world’s largest funeral company. State regulators 
      recommended a record $445,000 fine against SCI in ’98 for reportedly 
      sending corpses to unlicensed embalmers. Politically connected SCI (which 
      gave GWB $35,000 and has ethics-challenged Democratic fundraiser Tony 
      Coelho on its board) called its chits. GWB’s office held two meetings to 
      dress down funeral regulators and the agency fired the director who led 
      the investigation. 
      53. *Erle A. Nye (Dallas): $11,000
      
      A GWB-appointed Texas A&M regent, Nye heads Texas Utilities, the state’s 
      top “grandfathered” air polluter. The ‘71 state Clean Air Act exempted 
      existing industrial plants from new pollution rules. Rather than closing 
      this loophole, GWB got Exxon and Marathon to devise a program that invites 
      these polluters to volunteer to comply with modern pollution standards. In 
      ’99 utility deregulation legislation, the Legislature closed the 
      grandfather loophole—but only for utilities. 
      54. Charles E. Hurwitz (Houston): 
      $11,000 
      An S&L controlled by corporate raider Hurwitz failed in ‘88, costing 
      taxpayers $548 million. After Hurwitz bought Pacific Lumber in ’85, he 
      raided its pension fund and doubled its redwood harvest. Government 
      officials saved some redwoods by paying Hurwitz a $480 million ransom.
      
      55. *Howard Leach (SF, CA): $11,000
      
      Cypress Farms President Leach was a member of GHWB’s Team 100. Leach 
      complained to President Bush in ‘92 that California growers needed a gulp 
      of subsidized Central Valley water. When they got it just 10 days later, 
      Common Cause complained about a big donor getting special perks. 
      
      56. James A. Baker, III (Houston): 
      $11,000 
      Baker and Robert Mosbacher, Sr., (No. 30) became paid consultants of oil 
      giant Enron after exiting GHWB’s cabinet through the revolving door. Baker 
      and Gulf War Joint Chiefs operations director Lt. General Thomas Kelly 
      joined GHWB on a ‘93 victory tour of Kuwait, staying on to lobby the 
      government for Enron contracts. 
      57. Tom Schieffer (Arlington): $10,000
      
      After becoming Governor, GWB put his assets in a blind trust—except for 
      the goose that laid his golden egg. Texas Rangers President Schieffer kept 
      GWB informed of the play-by-play negotiations to sell the team to Tom 
      Hicks for a huge profit in ‘99. 
      58. Fred V. Malek (McLean, VA): $10,000
      
      Thayer Capital Partners chief Malek managed GHWB’s ‘92 election campaign 
      and had a hand in a Connecticut Treasurer’s Office kickback scandal (see 
      Wayne Berman, No. 42). When an ex-state senator complained to Treasurer 
      Paul Silvester that a securities firm failed to pay his “finder’s fee,” 
      Silvester called Malek (whose company got a $75 million state investment 
      contract) and Thayer paid $349,500 to a firm linked to the ex-senator.
      
      59. Jack Y. Wu (Port Lavaca): $10,000
      
      As vice president of a Port Lavaca Formosa Plastics plant in ‘95, Wu said, 
      “I feel very, very proud of what we’ve done here—our air quality, water 
      quality.” This plant was fined $247,000 for wastewater violations, settled 
      hazardous waste dumping charges for $3 million, admitted that an employee 
      took kickbacks from contractors and found two workers floating in a 
      chemical vat. The plant hired Joe Wyatt ($1,000 to GWB) to do its PR after 
      a sex scandal removed him from Congress. At the time, Wyatt’s wife sat on 
      the state board that granted pollution permits to this plant. 
      60. Keith Rupert Murdoch (LA, CA): 
      $10,000 
      The union-busting tabloid trash king, Murdoch built a shock-entertainment 
      media empire by investing in politicians who regulate him. His tabloids 
      endlessly endorse sympathetic politicos. His HarperCollins publishes 
      fawning books about such despots as Deng Xiaoping and offers huge advances 
      to such politicians as Margaret Thatcher and Newt Gringrich (to whom 
      Harper offered a $4.5 million advance). His empire exploits off-shore tax 
      havens and dubious accounting methods. 
      61. Roger Staubach (Dallas): $10,000
      
      This ex-Dallas Cowboys star wants to build 1,060 homes in Dallas. Staubach 
      Co. tried a quarterback sneak in ’99, asking the city for $7.6 million to 
      finance infrastructure in the private development. Competitors complained 
      that the city had always reserved such corporate welfare for retail and 
      industrial developments. In response, Staubach Co. withdrew its 
      request—until the city sets a policy for non-celebrity homebuilders.
      
      62. Howard L. Hills (Washington, DC): 
      $10,000 
      This Stroock & Lavan attorney is an ex-vice president of the federal 
      Overseas Private Investment Corp (OPIC). OPIC is a huge source of 
      corporate welfare, providing loans, loan guarantees and political risk 
      insurance to U.S. firms investing in developing countries. Big 
      corporations that can afford to buy these services in the private sector 
      are the main recipients of these taxpayer subsidies. 
      63. José Fanjul (Palm Beach, FL): 
      $10,000 
      The “First Family of Corporate Welfare,” the Fanjuls control a third of 
      Florida sugar production, collecting $60 million a year in federal 
      subsidies. Their Everglades land was drained at public expense, an 
      environmental nightmare that costs taxpayers $63 million a year to 
      maintain. The Fanjuls invest heavily in politicians; President Clinton 
      even took a call from José’s brother Alfonso while being serviced by 
      Monica Lewinsky. 
      64. Randolph L. DeLay (Richmond): 
      $10,000 
      Randy DeLay declared bankruptcy in ’92 after failing a string of 
      businesses. But when his brother Tom became House majority whip in ’95, 
      Randy opened his own lobby shop with corporate clients and a six-figure 
      salary. These clients seemed to get two DeLay brothers for the price of 
      one, with Tom carrying a lot of water for Randy’s clients. 
      65. Richard L. Scott (Ft. Worth): 
      $10,000 
      With start up capital from Richard Rainwater (No. 10), Scott started 
      Columbia/HCA Healthcare chain. The HMO’s 10-year, hospital-buying binge 
      ended in ’97 with federal investigators raiding Columbia facilities for 
      evidence of Medicare fraud. 
      66. Randy Best (Dallas): $10,000
      
      Best’s Voyager Expanded Learning runs for-profit, after-school classes. 
      Dallas’ school superintendent abruptly resigned in ‘97 to work for 
      Voyager. His hand-picked successor gave Voyager a $500,000 contract 
      without seeking competing bids. GWB urged the Legislature to spend $25 
      million on such after-school programs in ’97; his education commissioner 
      opposed efforts to regulate Voyager. 
      67. C. Boyden Gray (Washington, DC): 
      $10,000 
      White House Counsel to President Bush, Gray became a revolving-door 
      lobbyist at Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering. Gray has led the corporate denial 
      of global warming and  heads the corporate front group Citizens for a 
      Sound Economy. 
      68. Robert J. Santoski (Houston): 
      $10,000 
      Santoski is a big Sterling Group investor. It is associated with a string 
      of polluting chemical companies (see donor William McMinn, No. 11). 
      
      69. B. M. Rankin, Jr. (Dallas): $10,000
      
      Rankin is a director of Freeport-McMoRan, a mining firm with an atrocious 
      environmental and human rights record (see Jim Bob Moffett, No. 31).
      
      70. Dan Shelley (Austin): $9,000
      
      Shelley was GWB’s legislative director in ’95, when Texas overhauled its 
      welfare system. When he hit the revolving door to make up to $675,000 as a 
      lobbyist for Lockheed (which was bidding to run the Texas welfare system), 
      GWB adopted a belated staff ethics policy. (GWB also got $5,000 from DC 
      Lockheed lobbyist David Metzner.) 
      71. Heinz C. Prechter (Southgate, MI): 
      $9,000 
      The chair of American Sunroof Corp., Prechter was an elite GHWB “Team 100” 
      fundraiser. GHWB put him on the President’s Export Council and took him on 
      a state visit to Japan that netted Prechter a sweet deal to sell sunroofs 
      to Honda. 
      72. *Allan Shivers, Jr. (Austin): 
      $8,000 
      The son of an ex-governor, Shivers is president of Texans for Quality 
      Health Care. This HMO trade group opposed a ’97 Texas law that makes HMOs 
      liable for harm that patients suffer when an HMO denies doctor-prescribed 
      care. This law took effect after GWB failed to veto it (which would have 
      angered doctors and patients) or sign it (which would have angered a 
      powerful industry). 
      73. J. Patrick Rooney (Indianapolis, 
      IN): $7,700 
      Rooney quit a ‘95 Indiana gubernatorial race after media found that his 
      Golden Rule Insurance does not practice that religious principle. Golden 
      Rule has an alarming rate of not paying customers’ claims and denying 
      coverage to senior citizens. Rooney was a top donor to Newt Gingrich, who 
      plugged Golden Rule in televised lectures. 
      74. Billy Meyer (Waco): $7,500 
      Meyer operates a car racetrack in Ennis, Texas. He wanted Grand Prairie 
      voters to buy him another one in ’99. But cooler heads prevailed; 54 
      percent of the voters put the brakes on this public financing of private 
      profits. 
      75. Richard M. Plato (Baytown): $7,000
      
      Plato will never contribute to GWB as a lawyer again. He was disbarred in 
      ’98 after pleading guilty to wire fraud, conspiracy and money laundering.
      
      76. Edgar Cullman, Jr. (New York, NY): 
      $7,000 
      Although GWB pledged not to take money from tobacco PACs or executives for 
      his gubernatorial races, this CEO of General Cigar Holdings contributed to 
      both GWB gubernatorial races. GWB has backpedaled in his presidential run, 
      forswearing tobacco PAC money but openly taking money from top tobacco 
      executives. 
      77. George P. Mitchell (Woodlands): 
      $6,750 
      Mitchell is a developer and oil tycoon. People in Wise County say they can 
      ignite their well water because Mitchell Energy failed to cap area gas 
      wells. Jurors awarded them $204 million, but Texas Supreme Court justices 
      overturned the award. Mitchell was to settle related charges before the 
      Texas Railroad Commission for a record $2.2 million, but commissioners cut 
      the fine in half. The commissioners and justices took thousands of 
      campaign dollars from Mitchell Energy. 
      78. Herbert F. Collins (Boston, MA): 
      $6,000 
      Collins headed GHWB’s ’92 New England campaign. He is chair of Boston 
      Capital Partners, which makes housing loans under a federal tax credit 
      program. Collins urged Rep. Bill Archer to retain a pet tax break in ’96, 
      when he was hosting fundraisers for Archer's son-in-law. 
      79. Lewis M. Eisenberg (Rumsan, NJ): 
      $6,000 
      Eisenberg founded Granite Capital Corp. He chairs the Republican 
      Leadership Council (RLC), which opposes ultra-conservative influences in 
      the GOP. Eisenberg raised RLC funds to run ads attacking Steve Forbes for 
      any attack ad he might run in the future. Forbes filed a complaint arguing 
      that the RLC is a front for the GWB campaign. 
      80. George/Richard Wackenhut (FL): 
      $6,000 
      The largest U.S. prison company, Wackenhut Corrections has tens of 
      millions of dollars in contracts with Texas. The state had to take over a 
      Wackenhut-run facility in Austin in ’99 following criminal charges that 
      Wackenhut understaffed the jail, falsified its records and employed guards 
      that beat and had sex with inmates. 
      81. *Lee & Ed Bass (Ft. Worth): $5,427
      
      GWB got $210,000 from PACs of the oil-rich Bass family. When GWB’s ailing 
      Harken Oil suspiciously won Bahrain’s offshore drilling rights in ‘90, the 
      Basses financed the venture. When GWB appointed a legislative committee to 
      reduce property taxes, lobbyist Neal Jones ($2,500 to GWB) went behind the 
      scenes to defend Bass tax breaks. The committee chair broke lobby protocol 
      by demanding that they explain publicly why other Texans should underwrite 
      tax breaks for billionaires. GWB appointed Lee Bass chair of the 
      Department of Parks and Wildlife. He and Robert Bass were part of GHWB’s 
      Team 100. 
      82. Michael J. Ellis (San Diego, CA): 
      $5,000 
      Metabolife President Ellis got GWB’s administration to bury tough rules 
      for ephedrine weight-loss supplements (see W. James Jonas, No. 50). After 
      media reports in May ’99 that Ellis and coworker Michael J. Blevins were 
      convicted of producing the illegal drug methamphetamine in ‘91, GWB’s 
      campaign returned the $10,000 that they contributed seven months earlier. 
      The timing suggested that the campaign objected to their 
      “young-and-irresponsible” drug peddling rather than to big donors peddling 
      influence inside the GWB administration. 
      83. Michael J. Blevins (San Diego, CA): 
      $5,000 
      Convicted methamphetamine dealer who worked for Metabolife, which buried 
      tough ephedrine rules in Texas (see Michael J. Ellis, No. 82, and W. James 
      Jonas, No. 50). 
      84. H. Ross Perot, Jr., (Dallas): 
      $5,000 
      Voters narrowly approved a $125 million new arena for Perot’s Mavericks 
      and Tom Hicks’ (No. 3) Stars in ‘98. The public did not know the conflicts 
      of two top stadium backers until after the vote: Mayor Ron Kirk stood to 
      make $500,000 from options in a Hicks company and City Manager John Ware 
      went on Hick’s payroll. Perot also split tiny Westlake, Texas in half. 
      Residents feared that they would be forced to finance infrastructure for a 
      big Perot development. Most town leaders embraced the plan, however, after 
      Perot began offering to buy their properties. Pro-Perot aldermen fired the 
      mayor (a Perot critic) and voted to remove land that they and Perot owned 
      from Westlake. 
      85. Chris B. Burnham: (Stamford, CT): 
      $5,000 
      Burnham resigned as Connecticut Treasurer in ’97 to become the CEO of 
      Columbus Circle Investors. The year before, he granted Columbus a contract 
      to manage $150 million in state pension funds. 
      86. Mark Stiles (Beaumont): $5,000
      
      When Stiles chaired the Texas state House committee that determines which 
      bills get voted on, Texas spent $1.5 billion to double its prison 
      capacity. Stiles cement company then got contracts to pour cement for new 
      state prisons. One of the new slammers is the Mark Stiles State Prison.
      
      87. Earl M. Gilbert (Houston): $5,000
      
      The state of Texas sued Gilbert and his development companies for selling 
      flood-plain homes to Spanish-speaking buyers without adequate disclosure. 
      After a Gilbert subdivision flooded in ’92, he got some flood victims to 
      sign insurance checks over to him for repairs, which the state called 
      “shoddy and incomplete.” Gilbert settled the charges in ’95 by agreeing to 
      pay restitution to the flooded homeowners as well as paying $15,000 in 
      state legal costs. 
      88. Peter Huntsman (Salt Lake City) 
      $5,000 
      An uncontrolled chemical flare at Huntsman Petrochemical’s Odessa, Texas 
      plant in ’98 disgorged a black cloud of toxic chemicals for three weeks. 
      The Texas Natural Resources Conservation Commission downplayed the 
      seriousness of the accident until the NAACP presented it with more than 
      3,000 health complaints from nearby African-American residents. CEO Peter 
      Huntsman, Sr., disavowed links between these complaints and his plant’s 
      toxic plume. “Do I believe it’s directly related to what we are doing at 
      this facility?” he asked. “No, I personally do not believe that.” 
      
      89. Evan G. Greenberg (New York, NY): 
      $5,000 
      Evan is president of American Insurance Group (AIG), where his dad, GWB 
      Pioneer Maurice R. “Hank” Greenberg, is Chair and CEO. Maurice Greenberg 
      accompanied President Bush on his business tour of China in ’92, becoming 
      the first foreign company allowed to sell insurance there. 
      90. Kenneth L. Berry (Corpus Christi): 
      $5,000 
      Berry Construction President Ed Martin sits on the Corpus Christi City 
      Council. In that capacity, he cast a tie-breaking vote in ’99 to appoint 
      his boss, Ken Berry, to the Port of Corpus Christi’s board. This convinced 
      the city to tighten its ethics policies. 
      91. Hunter Nelson (Houston): $5,000
      
      Nelson is an executive at the Sterling Group, which is associated with a 
      string of polluting chemical companies (see William McMinn, No. 11).
      
      92. Frank Hevrdejs (Houston): $4,000
      
      Hevrdejs is president of the Sterling Group, which is associated with a 
      string of polluting chemical companies in Texas (see William McMinn, No. 
      11). 
      93. Gene N. Fondren (Austin): $4,000
      
      This head of the Texas Automobile Dealers Association never stops raising 
      money for power brokers. Fondren threw a fundraiser for ethics-tainted 
      ex-Texas Speaker Gib Lewis in ’92, hours after Lewis announced that he 
      would not seek reelection. 
      94. Lee Goodman, Jr. (Ft. Worth): 
      $4,000 
      Goodman founded Sensitive Care nursing homes and Creative Living group 
      homes for the mentally ill. Regulators took over the group homes in the 
      early ‘90s, charging Goodman with underfunding resident care. Goodman’s 
      wife, Carolyn, was allowed to take over the business. But in ‘99, the 
      state seized control of her nursing homes after the federal government 
      stopped funding them following Medicare fraud allegations. 
      95. Gary L. Bradley (Austin): $3,500
      
      Austin voters passed a ’92 initiative mandating strict environmental 
      controls for development over an environmentally sensitive aquifer. Ever 
      since, Bradley and other developers of that land have turned to the courts 
      and the legislature to try to sidestep this ordinance. 
      96. Robert D. Rogers (Dallas): $3,000
      
      Rogers heads cement giant Texas Industries (TXI), which burns hazardous 
      wastes for power. Neighbors blame TXI fumes for a litany of health 
      problems and animal deaths. Ex-TXI lobbyist Ralph Marquez killed a bill to 
      impose tighter regulations on such emissions before GWB appointed him as a 
      Texas Natural Resources 
      Conservation Commissioner. As a commissioner, Marquez voted to approve two 
      pollution-related permits for TXI. 
      97. Jackson Stephens (Little Rock, AR): 
      $3,000 
      Investment banker Stephens was a big GHWB fundraiser. He helped GWB’s 
      Harken Oil raise money by selling its stock to buyers tied to the criminal 
      Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI). These BCCI associates 
      were: Saudi Abdullah Bakhsh and Swiss Union Bank, which helped BCCI evade 
      money-laundering laws in Panama. 
      98. Dwayne O. Andreas (Decatur, IL): 
      $3,000 
      Andreas was chair of Archer Daniels Midland (ADM), the agricultural 
      company that gives millions of dollars to Republicans and Democrats. ADM 
      receives billions of dollars of corporate welfare, including price and 
      export subsidies on sugar and ethanol. Andreas resigned in ’99 after ADM 
      pled guilty to criminal price-fixing and paid the largest criminal 
      antitrust fine in history. 
      99. Johnnie B. Rogers (Austin): $3,000
      
      Rogers is a lobbyist who represents funeral industry giant Service Corp. 
      International (see Robert Waltrip, No. 52). The Bush administration 
      intervened on SCI’s behalf in a pending case in which funeral regulators 
      recommended a record $445,000 fine against SCI for allegedly jobbing out 
      corpses to unlicensed embalmers. The administration said GWB had no 
      involvement in the case—until Rogers acknowledged seeing GWB and SCI’s 
      owner briefly discuss the issue.